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Aarelaid-Tart
Andrle
Hoikkala
Kyllönen
Lyon
May
Rotkirch
Schou Wetlesen
Struck
Temkina
Testenoire
Zdravomyslova



 

  Double-minding Formation and Transformation in Three Generations of Postwar Soviet Estonia


Ph.D Aili Aarelaid-Tart
Institute of International and Social Studies
Tallinn, Estonia
e-mail:aarelaid@iiss.ee

I.

Double mindedness as mental adapter.


 I was born in the third spring of peace-time and grew up under late Stalinism and the Krushchovian "thaw" that followed. But only now, more than a half of a century later, can I put a question what happened to my personal mind, to the minds of my parents and relatives, to the minds of several millions of Baltic peoples during two earlier decades of Soviet occupation. I would like to tell you the story of the formation and later transformations of double standards inside the minds of Sovietised people.
 I am not a young politician, so I will not decide who was wrong and who was right. I am a middle-aged researcher who first of all wishes to describe what has happened to my own and neighbouring nations.
 At first, let me give some kind of explanation to the phenomenon of double- mindedness. The well-known fact is that totalitarian systems create a deep discrepancy between public and private spheres. Nationalist feelings belonged to the neighbourhood- and home-centred private sphere, opposed to the public sphere which was dominated by the doctrine of the flourishing Communist Future. That split between public and private spheres provided the circumstances for the emergence of ambivalent thinking and behaviour of a huge number of  people living by the ideals and norms of two absolutely different cultural configurations at the same time. The formation of ambivalent double- mindedness gave them opportunities to cherish the values of the oppressed private sphere and act in accordance with the firmly restricted public sphere, thus diminishing the mental influence of the oppression of alien power.
 Double-mindedness is a deep and extraordinary sensitive socio-psychological mechanism for the adaptation of people living under the unfavourable conditions caused by major historical upheavals. The main function of this mechanism is the self-protection of individual identities in the permanent coercive process of switching over from one ideological system to the other. The emergence of double standards avoids a situation when the larger part of a certain society feels as losers in a complicated historic drama. Every human being would like to stay alive even under the conditions of violent dislocation, unjustified imprisonment or terrorist political regime. To balance the earlier internal value-world with new external ideological demands, a lot of Baltic men and women created a system of ambivalent mental norms to cope with their everyday life in post-war conditions.
 The phenomenon of double-mindedness is not a unique production of late Stalinism in the Baltic countries. Researchers of mental history can follow for the same double standards during every extraordinary and rapid socio-political turn. Even at the beginning of the 1990s, after the rapid collapse of  Soviet power, thousands of inhabitants of the Baltic states have had to adapt to the standards of working and thinking legalised in the Western world, although they were educated inside the "red" ideology. To avoid idle running and instability the more active and adjustable part of the population "shuttled" several years between two contrary normative systems, finding a new balance to continue inside unknown earlier Post-modern world. Thus, the formation of double mental standards as socio-psyhcological adapter is not a historical rarity. We can interpret the case of late Stalinism in the Baltic countries as an extra painful version of such a process.
 To analyse the abovementioned phenomenon, I use two original data-bases. One of them was formed by myself in 1996-1998 and consists of 73 in-depth interviews with outstanding intellectuals and political key persons from the occupational period. The results of my fieldwork are published in Estonian under the title "Soviets or Europeans" at the end of last year. In parallel, there is a wonderful book from the same year by an exile Latvian lady (whom I have never met) Vieda Skultans titled "Testimony of lives", published in English by Routledge. The authors of these books have  different angles to interpret what has happened to neighbouring nations in the process of Sovietising their mentalities. Most of my respondents were "winners", or persons with  good inner adapters. They not only survived the alien mental conditions, but even had remarkable positions on the cultural landscape of Soviet Estonia. The Latvian colleague's respondents are conceived first of all as "losers" whereas most of them were diagnosed with neurasthenia based on earlier sufferings under Stalinist repressions. Notwithstanding whether our respondents were compromisers or non-conformists, "winners" or losers" of a large historical lottery, all of them have gone through the machinery of mental camouflage. The restitution of independent Baltic states has given rise to a self-purification of our respondents. It must be underlined that both databases are records of the experiences of individual Estonian or Latvian men and women under Soviet rule. But a researcher must be very careful while interpreting these records because there is a large difference between lives lived and lives remembered: In the 1990s the respondents did not tell us their real biographies, but a renewed version of the myth about "real lives" lived more than forty years ago. After the restoration of the independent republics our respondents presented themselves either as heroes in a long-run struggle against Soviet reality or as victims of inhuman historical circumstances. This very clear polarisation of  life-myths is itself a reincarnation of the ambivalent phenomenon of double thinking.
 The average duration of these in-depth interviews was three hours and the respondents told me the stories of their lives from the first childhood memories till the 1980s. I had a hidden questionnaire in my head to direct our discussion, asking them how they became aware of the fact of existence of the pre-war republic, how they were explained the invasion of Russian/German military forces, how they remembered deportations, Stalin's death and the beginning of the "thaw", the Hungarian uprising in 1956 as a crucial point in anti-Soviet struggle. There was a special question about their belonging to the Communist Party or to the Young Communist League and the respondents explained in free form why they joined these "red" organisations. I have more than 200 hours of recorded materials to put the main problem: how do the respondents explain now, forty years later, the emergence of double thinking during the first two decades of Soviet power. I am interested in how did the clash of two fundamentally different cultural configurations  determine lots of  events and sometimes the whole course of lives of my respondents. I am asking by which way did they recognise this mental clash and, following it, double-mindedness and by which way did they try to overcome inner alienation.
 My analysis will move through different generational units to show how these two configurations with opposite value-systems were embodied in several age cohorts and how they were reshaped according to the permanently renewing political context. The analysis of the interviews identifies three broad political generations. Firstly,  there is the republican generation, born between 1914 and 1930, who had experienced Estonian independence in their youth and to whom the re-shaping of minds under the foreign occupations was an extraordinarily hard trial. Next, there is the Stalinist generation, who were young adults during the darkest years of repression, 1946-1956, and to whom the following of the rules of double standards was a question of life and death. Thirdly,  I have identified the generation of the thaw, or the youth of the 1960s, who matured in a liberalised political and cultural environment initiated by Khrushchev and who innocently mastered the frames of double thinking.
 Karl Mannheim identifies two assumptions of generation analysis: (1) generation units are formed by significant historical events; and (2) culture is defined in part by interaction among generations (Mannheim, 74). In my paper I would like to show the generation continuity of the mechanism of double- mindedness which was understood by the republican generation as a forced mental pattern and a grievous mistake of history, by the Stalinist generation as a self-defensive and purposeful white lie, and, finally, by the generation of the "thaw" as a natural mixture and normal coexistence of controversial world-views. I am looking for the reasons why "the themes which structure the memories of the republican generation, namely stoicism, work, reparation and loss, continue to structure the memories of the next generation" (Skultans, p.5), but not the memories of the generation after the next who, in fact, were the kids of the first generation.
 Next, let me shortly describe these two oppositional, but complementary mental configurations deterring the minds of Baltic peoples in post-war conditions. The first one was Estonianness (Latvianness, Lithuanianness) which is characterised by a value-cluster as a will to continue the life interrupted in 1940 as it was before; an introverted life-style within one's own farmstead, correctness in work; a priority of the Estonian (Latvian, Lithuanian) language on every stage of social interaction; pure nature as a warranty of social stability, etc. The key-words to mark this configuration were pastorality, individualism and localism as well as national feelings associated with the mother tongue. I  will call the second configuration Sovietness with a value-cluster consisting of orientations like communist internationalism which aimed at  interrupting ties with the past full of enigmas of the nation; deep class distinction and forced collectivisation that followed, industrialisation and urbanisation as the mainstream of building up Communism; a strong priority of the Russian language as a tool of imperialism. Whereas in Orthodoxy and in the collectivist tradition of Russian culture there is no place for the "primacy of the law of Man"  (Russian mentality, 50) the re-stratification of the new Socialist society was put into practise through large-scale and violent political campaigns. The key-words for this configuration were huge heroic collectivism, unprecedented "happy future" and empire-building plus giving a priority to Russians as "elder and more experienced brothers".
 Thus, reversed configurations of mental realities were directed to transform the ordinary Estonian, Latvian or Lithuanian people to homo soveticus - a man/woman with a double, both external and internal morality and psyche. (Russian Mentality, p. 103). They tried to act according to both the internal norms of their "own" private sphere full of trustworthy friends and relatives and the strict external distrustful norms of "alien" public sphere. But Communist ideology succeeded in creating a double-faced Soviet Baltic man/woman only to a certain extent. Many people, however, did not succumb to complete deformation, for they worked out within themselves a saving submissiveness and the ability to remain inconspicuous to the environment, sometimes even to one's self (V. Bukovsky). According to the official doctrine this Soviet man was determined by life in a collective, through the collective and for the collective as a drive wheel of a machine, in which the individual fulfilled the role of a screw. Unofficially, an individualistic homo ludens playing any kind of equivocal games with the Soviet authorities was approved and largely accepted. All the Soviet oppressions to minimise Estonianness (Latvianess, Lithuanianness) as a mental configuration were really oriented "to provide people with a primordial bases for identity, a sentiment often highly prized in an alienated world" (Buell, 28).
 

 These configurations of Estonianness and  Sovietness related to each other as the well-known semiotic opposition of "our world" and "their world." "Foreign world" means the unknown, unstable, without norms, and that is why it is generally questionable as a "world", rather qualifying as a "non-world". "Our world" is a discrete world, distinguishable, individualised, familiar. In the semiotic sense this is the world of "proper names", the world of ‘singular forms meaning oneness, singularity while the "foreign world" is a world of an abstract plural form and common names (Russian Mentality, 91). The historical tragedy for the Baltic peoples consists in the absurd that from the beginning of the 1940s "our world" and "foreign world" were re-labelled by force and changed their natural places. According to the new ideological doctrine the "non-world" had to become the "proper world", and, to the contrary "our" turned into "foreign". For millions of Baltic people that rapid re-labelling was unreasonable and some kind of adaptive mechanism might set going. As a fundamental socio-psyhcological protector the double mental standards were launched and unofficially legitimised.
  Thus, reversed configurations of mental realities were aimed at making ordinary Estonian, Latvian or Lithuanian people the homo soveticus as a man/woman with a double, both external and internal morality and psyche. (Russian Mentality, p. 103). They tried to act according to both the internal norms of their "own" private sphere full of trustworthy friends and relatives and the strict external distrustful norms of "alien" public sphere. But Communist ideology succeeded in creating a double-faced Soviet Baltic man/woman only to a certain extent. Many people, however, did not succumb to complete deformation, for they worked out within themselves a saving submissiveness and the ability to remain inconspicuous to the environment, sometimes even to one's self (V. Bukovsky). According to an official doctrine this Soviet man was determined by life in a collective, through the collective and for the collective as a drive wheel of a machine, in which the individual fulfilled the role of a screw. Unofficially, an individualistic homo ludens playing any kind of equivocal game with the Soviet authorities was approved and largely accepted. All the Soviet oppressions to minimise Estonianness (Latvianess, Lithuanianness) as mental configurations were really oriented "to provide people with a primordial bases for identity, a sentiment often highly prized in an alienated world" (Buell, 28).

II

Triple transformation of double mindedness.


 Next, I would like to open the window to the past and listen what different generations actually told about their mental collisions during the first two decades of Soviet occupation. At the same time a researcher must be careful whereas nobody among the informants had any monopoly of historical truth and every remembered case "how it really was" is a strong narcotic for the respondent him/herself.
 The self-consciousness of the republican generation developed during the period of independent statehood. They faced the Soviet configuration at a completely unsuitable moment of their careers - as high-school pupils or students full of dreams about the future. They had grown up in the ascent of nationalism, they had a rather vague idea of Russia, those who were more enterprising had connected their further plans of study with Europe. The memories of a Latvian, Talis, of his childhood with national culture and history are curiously lyrical:
 "Everyone`s childhood is dear to them. I dreamt of everything, much about history. About my young days, and what my mother and father taught me, about my ancestors, about the formation of the Latvian state. My parents were great patriots although my mother was born into a servan family."
 A Latvian youngster, Janis, has characterised the mentality of his generation to Vieda Skultans as follows: "You see the generation in which I grew up, we were such strange people. We were the ancestors of these hippies. We dreamt of sailing around the world in sailing boats or warking. Our ideal was an educated wanderer, who could wander around. It's quite difficult to imagine - you can't even understand it. The world seemed so terribly beautiful that it had to be seen and felt......... Those were my dreams about a perfect freedom, to travel about... We were all educated. all poets in the context of that time we were an educated generation, but so very childish and with unrealistic ideas" (Skultans, 71-72).
 Of course, all these ideas and fantasies were broken in the following historical tragedy.
 Tõnis, then a high-school pupil (b. 1927), perceived the year 1940 as a time of confusion: " In June 1940 people did not understand what was going on, not even those whom one could expect to do so. For example, every year a reunion of the chevaliers of the Estonian Cross of Freedom took place. They had a right to take their sons with them. I was able to attend two such reunions, the last was in Pärnu, on June 16, 1940. Those men at the reunion had no idea whatsoever what was going on at the moment. It seems to me that these events were out of general attention. There was a general understanding among the people that Estonia would have to tend to some direction anyway, either to the east or to the west. One rather discussed whether it would be better to go on with Germans or Russians. Those wealthier tended towards the Germans and the poorer towards the Russians. One can by no means argue that the Estonian people had consciously been prejudiced against Russians. Of course, there were some groups.  Left-wing intellectuals and the press had done their job well. Lots of people were opposed to the rule of president Päts. There was no clear vision of what was coming."
 For school-leaver Eva (b.1921) the June events could be clearly described as a gross collision of  "own" and "alien".
 "It seems to me that all those events simply came as a shock to people. Every sudden turn was frightening, it kept in control. Afterwards one became accustomed and adapted, but all this took years. In 1940 I realised that there is something deeply alien, although my father also went to the mission. But when the soldiers of the Red Army came in single file and stink, when the planes came with a terrible roar - that was a shock of  facing an alien world. Even ideology was less important. On June 21 I stood in front of the Kadriorg Palace when this pitiful army, many Russian soldiers arrived, guarded by tanks. It was clear at that moment what was going to happen. Päts came on the balcony and made cheep that dear fellow citizens etc. Down there stood men with red flags who growled in answer. Then I also cried, for the republic, of course, and for the pitiful Päts. In our circles one did not like Päts, but he was still our own. Instead came something terrible and alien."
 The rolling over values given at home and at school of a mentality that came along the new annexation, those young people perceived with despair and as a conscious need to adapt to a mentality that was substantially alien for them. "The contrast as again between what might have been and what was, between unlimited potential and constraint" (Skultans, 73). However, it was namely this generation that was most active to try out the new circumstances as, despite everything, they were in an age when one had to think about self-realisation and career, notwithstanding the dramatically changed situation. On the basis of the experiments and their experience of hide-and-seek a cognitive structure was built that became an inevitability of everyday life for the next two generations. Quoting V. Skultans: " What is experienced as history by one generation becomes structure for the next." (Skultans, 103).
 During the invasion of Russian troops and the breakout of the war the members of the later Stalinist generation were still just children. Sensitive childhood was too tender for such a rapid social turn and most Estonian as well as Latvian informants remember those times as a nightmare. The collision of two worlds gave rise to, first of all, existential fear in them that they have carried in them for decades. Double-thinking became a white lie grown into them, something they could not escape. Most of this generation played this double game quite consciously, but, in contrast to their predecessors, they did it more eagerly, but also more ambitiously, drawn by a fear of living.
 Two next quotations describe the existential contacts of people now almost sixty years old with the "alien". The then four-year-old little Estonian boy Haljand remembers the June events as follows: "The coming of Soviet power is my first memory of myself. My parents were farmers near Ravila. Grandparents from Viru-Nigula were visiting us and on this very Sunday one set about going to the church. By Sunday evening they had not returned and we were terribly frightened. For three days from June 16 they were not able to cross the Tallinn-Narva highway as it was blocked up with Russian troops. From then on the fear of a foreign power was deeply rooted inside me, it was so-to-say imprinted into me. A terrible fear of an alien world. This fear was expressed and it was repeated many times. Upheavals have been especially dreadful: in September 1944 there was acute fear, in March 1949 I was frightened to death."
 Ly who made through the war and repressions as a little girl recalled the mental atmosphere of those times as follows: "Don't you touch the curtains, it is getting dark soon!" sounded one of the strictest prohibitions of my childhood. Home was a defenceless place. We were all very vulnerable at home, very loose. During and immediately after the war children, mothers and fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers were lower than the circumstances. The big elm-tree behind the house was above all our heads, it was free. But otherwise there were guns and tanks all around, and very small people, oppressed by circumstances, beside the big elms."
 Thus, the children of the 1940s already realised that they had to learn different and often contradictory roles, in other words, they learned social acting. They began to understand that home and school were two entirely different places and how one behaved at school and how one thought at home were not comparable worlds of value. One realised that one had to make a clear distinction between these things, that it was dangerous to make a mistake. At school one had to pretend loyalty to the new authorities. There might of course be such teachers at school as well who were themselves still loyal to the old regime and to them one had to talk in the language of the old regime. But one had to talk in quite another language with the "red" teachers. This was a question of survival as when a child mixed up the borders of these languages at school, it could mean that his/her parents were sent to Siberia.
 Marju who was born in 1940 in Estonia remembers the double-facedness of those times as follows: "In 1953-1957 I went to Tallinn Secondary School No.7 where there were still many teachers of old times, this came out especially in everyday communication. The director of studies was a Russian Estonian who also was dressed respectively. In general, the teachers were clearly divided into two and it was up to the children whether to identify themselves with one side or the other. Children did this eagerly and there were even those who identified themselves completely with the new world-view. For boys the military style of the Red Army might be an inducement, there were even some girls who admired Russian Estonianness as a style. When I went to elementary school journals and books of  the times of the Republic of Estonia had still been preserved, then one favoured the Estonian-time written word and former customs at school, following a silent agreement between pupils and teachers, mentally one still lived in the Estonian time. By high school the circumstances had changed, then there were those and others at school."
 Latvian schoolgirl Lienite whose parents were sentenced under the 58th clause for betrayal of the Fatherland, i.e. the Soviet Union remembered: "Children are never fools. Perhaps their experience of life is narrower. At that time all of us who were the children of deported parents, we all knew perfectly well which is our fatherland and who we were. We all knew how to keep quiet... A child is just as wise, not more foolish by one kopeck. We knew with whom we could talk and with whom not, or whether to talk at all." (Skultans, 93).
 The fact of dangling between two worlds is also revealed in the memories of another Latvian schoolgirl Antra: "How shall I put it? Up to that time I hadn't noticed a bad attitude towards me from others because anyone behaved well. But when I started school, then gradually one or the other teacher would throw a phrase at me. And gradually I became very sensitive to this issue. And I began to understand even from half a word or a look. And children too would call me names. Firstly, because my father was a pastor and secondly, because he was in prison. And naturally it's very clear for a child and we were taught at school and even at home it was sometimes said that only thieves and such like are put in prison. And suddenly my father ...is in prison. And when my mother said that it's not true, that father hasn't done anything, that what has been done to him is all wrong and so on, I couldn't quite believe it. And how can it be that it's wrong? It's difficult to understand, I didn't have enough sense to analyse it in detail or test it out" (Skultans, 109)
 The development of the syndrome of double-facedness was one of the main characteristics of the Sovietization of cultural life in the Baltic countries. In the first Soviet decade it functioned through a dialogue between the past that seemed ever more beautiful as it drifted farther away, and the severe present. People were psychologically not ready to forget a memory of the independent nation-state, at the same time they did not want to remain losers in abruptly altered social circumstances. The double-facedness of this decade was a compromise version of the accommodation of temporally dislocated and substantially oppositional social scales of value.
 Lilian (b.1932), a student in Tartu in the early 1950s remembers: "All of us lied to the personnel manager all the time and this was no ethical sin. My father was in prison as a enemy of nation, I told to the personnel that I had recanted him, but actually it was not so. I visited my father 2-3 times a year in the Patarei prison, on those occasions father taught me how to live on. So he told me not to choose literature, he said, take the languages; so I specialised in Finno-Ugric languages.
 Marxism was even interesting to some extent. At that time I did not distinguish between fraud and truth. A young lecturer taught us political economy, in our opinion he spoke like a dissident. However, he committed a suicide later. Then the university was still full of old lecturers who eagerly spoke what was considered "right". We understood very well that they were playing a double game, still willing to give us reasonable education through facts. "
 Jaan (b.1939) who went to high school in the period of late Stalinism and early "thaw" described his inner feelings at that time as follows: "I was not a self-destroyer and did not belong to any dissident organisation. We tried to live a double life all the time: a lot of what was prohibited was actually allowed. We said that abstractionism did not exist in our Soviet society and actually spoke of abstractionism in full voice. We arranged an exhibition of the abstractionism of Adamson-Eric in our class. The party boss came into the class and asked strictly what sort of art this was supposed to be. We answered him innocently that this was class art and he was fully satisfied with the answer, praising the beauty of this art.
 Parents were of course frightened all the time that the children might mix up the "records". In our opinion the biggest and most awkward game that all grown-ups played were the Soviet elections. Everybody knew that this was a farce, and yet played along. At the same time everybody knew what was good and what was bad."
 Every new generation faced the Soviet mentality in their own way. The youth of the 1950s was already much more receptive to red ideas than their predecessors. Inge who was born in 1928 expressed her attitude towards the next generation as follows:
 "We had gone to school during the Estonian time, but the next generation had a much stronger faith in socialism. I met this generation when I was practising at the Tartu Teacher's Training Institute as a fourth-year student of pedagogics. These were the last grades of high school, they had a very strong young communists' organisation and, so it seemed to me, a strong and sincere faith in socialism. They were all very good pupils and worked closely together. The class organised various campaigns, for example, against the wearing of rings as a bourgeois survival. They had created quite a special mentality there, later they were disappointed in many things and the swing went down.
 By the second half of the 1950s the mental atmosphere in the Baltic countries had Sovietized to such an extent that those returning from the Siberian exile had difficulties of finding a place within their native society. Both those who fled to the west and those sent to Siberia had taken with them a memory of pastoral native places and, living far away, that latter had become an idyllic myth. However, those who escaped Russia did not find the "good old Estonian (Latvian) time in the country where they returned. Latvian schoolgirl Anna speaks about the clash of expectations and new reality in her consciousness: " I just couldn't understand that here in Latvia where people supposed to sing, that mother was crying again. That I couldn't admitted to school, that no school would accept me because I had been deported - I was some sort of criminal. Of course, my relatives got involved and we persuaded them that it had all been a mistake... I spoke with an accent and wrote very badly, I should have gone into the fourth class, but, in fact, I started in the third. Of course, children are merciless. At school I remember that children called me Russian. But at the same time they wanted me to help them with their Russian lessons... My preconception of a bright and sparking Latvia began to crumble" (Skultans, 105)
 Cultural assimilation usually takes place in the third generation of migrants. The same can be argued as for generations growing up in their native country under changed political circumstances. For the generation of post-war babies notions as fatherland, the Estonian time, freedom etc. acquired completely new meanings. The simultaneity of two cultural configurations was for them no longer an agonising problem of personal identity, it was rather a bricollage, an interesting game, a gymnastics between double meanings. Fatherland was also the Soviet Union that was simultaneously equal with a country grandmother, idyllic nature (pastorality) as well as the care of uncle Stalin who loved all Soviet children (paternality). Freedom meant first of all shirking some strictly established norms, sometimes it even felt like adventure. It was very difficult to understand what was the difference between the Civil War and the War of Independence, who fought against whom after all and in the name of what was all this done. The so-called indigenous double-thinking of the "thaw" generation did not develop by itself, in them the identity crisis of their parents as the youth of the period of independence, that gained ground in 1940, was revived in a new form.
 Many parents tried to behave sparing their offspring and simply stayed silent about what happened in earlier times. By the second half of the 1950s it had become evident that the Soviet power would not end today or tomorrow and thus it made no sense to intimidate the new generation with dissident stories. Besides, one was afraid of children's naive desire of prating, they could start to explain matters that were dangerous to the welfare of the home and the family in some unsuitable place or to an alien person.
 The story of Toomas (b. 1947) gives a wonderful picture of a world perceived in two ways:
 "I come from a small town where everybody knows everybody. One did not speak much about the Republic of Estonia in my circles. I knew something vaguely, but I rather remember a strange inner feeling that the Republic of Estonia is worth defending. A portrait of Päts and other relics were hidden somewhere into the house. There were many books in French at home. During the first Russian occupation my grandfather had been elected chairman of some kind of a trade union. He had even written a really "red" play. As a matter of fact, his world-view was really socialist, this was usual for an intellectual of those times. He was not a communist, but simply loyal to the red world-view. As the occupations changed, he was, of course, arrested by the Self-Defence, put into prison and finally shot by the Germans. During the German occupation one looked down on our family, at first Estonians regarded the Germans as saviours. As the second Russian occupation came, things became even worse with our family, because grandfather's body did not come out anywhere. Grandmother was shown a number of corpses that had been dug out, but she could not say on any occasion that namely the one was her husband. The small town started to regard grandmother as a traitor's wife, grandfather became a mock-hero. Actually he had had a really good artist's hand, and one had even mentioned a possibility that he might teach at "Pallas". Now his artist's image was forgotten, the native place recognized him neither as a hero nor as a victim of the Red or the Germans. Grandmother started to receive pension from the Soviet rule for her husband and this helped us a lot economically. From time to time she procured extra money from the ministry and indeed got some. As a rule, the extra money was used for celebrating birthdays: then one decided whether to eat well or buy champagne. Usually we bought champagne for the money received on the account of my murdered and derided grandfather. Such was our double-faced life.
 Let's add the vision of Indrek (b.1943) of the relationship between the past and the present:
 "At home father and mother did not speak anything about the Republic of Estonia, its political system or about how good life had been then or how was the War of Independence held within our hearing. This was taboo. I think that my father and mother did not want to endanger the family. They obviously had seen so much of what Stalinism could do and they were frightened. Information about the Republic of Estonia arrived to me only through official school textbooks. However, some of the boys had a hidden "Years of Suffering of the Estonian People" at home, I must have read it some time between the age of ten and twelve. This was something I did not believe could exist at all. It was thrilling and was sure that everything had really happened that way. But I have been pragmatical since boyhood and so I took this fact simply as a part of history. It was something like then it had been that way and now it is this way. As a twelve-year-old boy I did not make myself a problem that I should have started to fight for what had been and against what was existing at that very moment. That time simply did not exist any more, achieving a relationship with it would have been equal to a wish to jump onto the Moon."
 Essentially the first generation of course wanted to reduce the disruption between the two cultural configurations for the third generation as their children. The paradox is that their own identity split even more by doing so. Namely in the course of bringing up their children the double-thinking obtruded on the Päts-generation revealed itself most clearly. During 10-15 years two conceptions of history had developed in their consciousness: firstly, what they had made through themselves in person, and, secondly, what they were officially suggested to remember. Such a splitting of the past simultaneously brought about a secondary disruption between the worldviews of them and their children. For years one lived under mental pressure where one remembered one thing, but told something else to one's children. Thus, the long-lasting double-thinking gradually brought about an inner feeling of alienation. HarperCollins Dictionary of Sociology defines alienation as powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness as well as a feeling of inner alienation and self-estrangement (The HarperCollins, 14).
 Indeed, in 1940 the generation who was raised in the enthusiasm of independence, was sharply deprived of their earlier normal social and political environment, from the usual norms of consumption, from the internalised mental values etc. A feeling of hostility to alien circumstances and political events that ruthlessly rolled over, deepened in them. But since they could not express this hostility in any way in public, several representatives of this generation were gradually transformed from an active and creative subject to a passive and manipulative social object. The self-estranged age-cohort closed into inner migration created and everyday reality for their children that was from the beginning based on legalized double-facedness.
 The double mental standards that by the generation of fathers resulted in the deformation and alienation of personal identity, laid the basis to bricollage in the sons' generation. Bricollage is a cultural process of improvisation or adaptation whereby objects, signs or practises are appropriated into different meaning systems and cultural settings and, as  a result, are resignified. The subversive functions of bricollage have to be emphasized, whereby elements of dominant or taken-for-granted culture are given new critical meanings, often by ironic or surreal juxtaposition. The young generation that started to reshape the cultural landscapes of the Baltic countries from the early 1960s were no longer distressed by identity crisis (G1) or fears of living and everyday white lies (G2). Regarding double-thinking as an inevitable cultural norm, the post-Stalinist generation still questioned whether it was the only thinkable norm. Although Sovietness was already the dominant cultural configuration due to circumstances, one could still grin at it, using elements borrowed from the configuration of the Estonian time (for example, Estonian soldiers' songs as students' dirty ballads to upset "red" lecturers). Carrying the phenomena signified with "right names" within Sovietness into a changed context (for example, calling a cock or a boar "Tshapayev") that resulted in another inversion  of "own" and "alien" was even more effective.
 

 Conclusion


 Thus, by the time when Stalinist terror was replaced by liberalizing Socialism, a triple transformation of double thinking had been made through in Estonia (Latvia). Such a transformation had its own dialectical way of development. For the first generation (G1) the opposition of "own" and "alien" was complete, the re-signification of the dominance of cultural configurations that came along with the coup d'etat caused a strong identity crisis. From the viewpoint of the second generation (G2) "own" and "alien" were clearly distinguishable, but operationally the shifting of the borders between them was useful. It had to do with a typical second stage of cultural assimilation where the marginalizing subject rise to relate to both the dominant and the concurrent cultures with equal attention. In the third generation (G3) "own" and "alien" had actually already changed places and if favourable outer conditions had lasted double thinking may have disappeared, replaced by full Sovietization. However, the strategy of the "iron hand" that gained ground in the second half of the 1960s in order to strengthen the Socialist camp (especially the Czechoslovakia events in 1968) laid a basis to the revival of double standards. Despite the generational differences in double thinking the borders between Estonian-mindedness and Soviet-mindedness gradually took more clear contours again. Double-thinking continued, but as a game of conscious mixing up of meanings was added, the strengthening of national identity received a fresh impetus.
 

References


Aarelaid, Aili. 1998. Ikka kultuurile mõeldes. "Virgela", Tallinn.
Buell, Frederick. 1994. National Culture and the New Global System. The Johns Hopkins University Press. Baltimore and London.
The HarperCollins Dictionary of Sociology 1991. Ed. by Jary, David and Jary Julia. HarperCollins Publishers, New York.
Hudson, Robert B. and Binstock, Robert H.. 1976. "Political Systems and Aging." Pp. 369-400 - In: Handbbook of Aging and Social Science, Robert H. Binstock and Ethel Sharnas, eds. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold.
Key Concepts in Communication and Cultural Studies. 1994. Ed by Tim O`Sullivan , John Hartley, Danny Saunders Martin Montgomery John Fiske. London & New York, Routledge.
Mannheim, Karl. 1952. "The Problem of Generations".- In: Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
The Russian Mentality - Lexicon.. 1995. .Ed. by Andrzej Lazari. Katowice.
Skultans, Vieda. 1998. "Testimony of lives", "Routledge".


   The Buoyant Class: Family Background in the Self- accounts of Czech Post-communist Businessmen


A discussion paper for the 4th European Conference of Sociology, Will Europe Work?, Amsterdam, 18-21 August 1999.
A session on Class, work, identity of the Research Network on Biographical Perspectives on European Societies, Friday 20.00-21.30.

Dr VladimirAndrle     E-mail: va2@york.ac.uk
Department of Sociology
The University of York
York
YO10 5DD
UK
 FREE TO CITE
______________________________________________________________________

Abstract

Life story interviews carried out in the Czech Republic confirm that the new business élite are dominated by men who had achieved high managerial positions already in the communist era. More surprisingly, however, they also reveal a marked overrepresentation within this group of descendants of the national bourgeoisie that was expropriated when the communists came to power in 1948. A condensed exemplar life story indicates how the scion of a first-republic upper-class family was able to enter the communist state's managerial establishment and find himself in a prime position to become a major beneficiary of the current capitalist restoration. Analysis of accounts by the broader middle-class sample of securing entry into selective schooling throws further light on the way in which communist institutions were commonly regarded as personalised and negotiable in their practical processes. In addition, a constructivist reading of the interview transcripts draws attention to the special problems that life narrators have to resolve, and the cultural resources they can draw upon, in constructing morally adequate, continuous selves in the context of ideologically charged institutional discontinuities. Czech society offers an interesting case in this respect, in that its culture has been marked by at least one major political change occurring in the life of every successive twentieth-century generation.

Key words
Life stories. Czech Republic. Business élite. Communism. Post- communism. Social mobility.
 

Introduction

The project on which this article is based was initially conceived as an empirical enquiry into the duality of great history and little history (Šimeèka 1992; Fialová 1996) in a society undergoing a post-communist transition. Great history consists of accounts of affairs of state and social developments structured around concepts like civil society, political culture and market economy. Little history is grounded in accounts of events and changes that individuals articulate as their own experience. It is similar in this respect to what some Anglo-American qualitative sociologists (e.g., Denzin 1991) call `lived experience'. The subtle but significant difference consists in the degree to which either approach takes on board the historicity (temporal dynamism) of the institutional frameworks within which the microcosmic realms of lived experience take place. Enquiries into little history are more strongly oriented to the awareness of living in history that members of a culture display in their everyday interactions. That orientation is especially appropriate for the study of mid-European cultures which have seen political regimes that shape life chances come, proclaim their permanence, and go. It relativises great history and imbues it with potential irony, although it regards the degree to which its relationship with little history is mutually corroborative as an empirical question relating to particular place and time.
 The project was initially designed as long interviews geared to eliciting descriptive accounts of change and continuity in the respondent's own experience, since the communist regime fell in 1989. In the course of the first 17 interviews, however, it became clear that, in order to explain an adaptive strategy or whether an event was viewed and felt as trivial or important, some respondents needed to say something about their pre- 1989 pasts. Two of them in fact made their starting point decades earlier. My initial request that they start their narration in 1989 implied a naïve assumption that a great history turning point - the demise of the communist regime in 1989 - constituted a "natural" starting point for little history accounts of personal experience. A life story format was therefore adopted for the next 50 interviews. They were structured in two parts, where the first part consisted of the respondents explaining their selection of experiences and events they had been invited to select as the ones which were `for whatever reason significant in your life'. They narrated a biographical self-account before they were asked any further questions about post-1989 developments, in the second part of the interview.

Life stories as data

Life stories have been used as data for analysis by folklorists (Atkinson 1998), psychologists (Jossleson and Lieblich 1993-7), social historians (Thompson 1975, 1978) and social anthropologists (Lewis 1961; Tonkin 1992) as well as sociologists. The history of their use in sociology reflects a general shift within the discipline from realist approaches to data, which assume them to be representative of social reality with a greater or lesser accuracy, to constructivist approaches, which regard the data primarily as artful communicative acts in themselves. The realist approach to life stories (life histories, in the realist spirit), gleans from them witness reports of `sets of social relations' and practices (Bertaux 1981: 40), and representations of ideologies and attitudes typifying the subject's membership in a social group. Distinguished realist examples have included contributions to sociological understanding of delinquents (Shaw 1930); work careers and attitudes (Terkel 1972); economically marginal businesses (Bertaux and Bertaux-Wiame 1981); urban in-migration (Bertaux-Wiame 1981); new middle class formation (Roos 1987); and family-situated processes of social class membership and mobility (Bertaux and Thompson 1997).
 The realist sociological users of life stories have been charged with naïve peddling in illusions. For Bourdieu (1986), the fundamental illusion consists in the fact that life stories select recollections from the past and link them together into coherent stories. That belies the fragmented process of individual consciousness in actual living. For Denzin (1995), a life history is illusory to the extent that it unreflexively intimates a reality and a subject behind its text, when the text is a construction of a multiple and fundamentally uncertain authorship. And finally, for ethnomethodologically oriented critics such as Atkinson and Silverman (1997), it is a naïve illusion to take any interview talk at face value as revelations from a repository of personal experience, when all that can be known about it is that it is a creative performance of an interview, our culture's favourite kind of conversational play. From a constructivist viewpoint, the life-story interview transcript is a record of a display of communicative competence. The interviewee used her knowledge of relevant interactional frameworks (Atkinson and Silverman 1997) and narrative genres (Bruner 1987, 1995; Denzin 1989) to produce a `compelling narrative' of herself as a sensible and morally adequate person (Silverman 1993: 114; 200). Goffman (1972) anticipated this viewpoint by observing that mental hospital patients attended to their stigmatised identity by telling life stories that invariably fell into one of three categories: apologias, success stories, and sad tales.
 The constructivist approach to biographical sociology takes `the illusion' that Bourdieu objects to as a central object of enquiry. It highlights the interpretative `biographical work' (Gubrium and Holstein 1995; Fischer- Rosenthal 1995; Brose 1989; Kohli 1986; McCall 1985; Meir and Raz 1996; Rosenthal 1993; Linde 1993; Stanley 1991) that life narrators do as they select recollections out of a medley of possibilities and relate them in more or less coherent story lines. It has its beginnings in the following three observations. Firstly, life narratives are produced in the present, to link recollections of the past with an orientation to the future (Kohli 1981). Secondly, they are produced collaboratively with the interviewer, in a process that may be structured ritually as a performance (Catani 1981; Chambon 1995). And thirdly, they can be a discourse between the narrator, the protagonist, and the generalised other looming over the interviewer's shoulder (Burgos 1989). The biographical work fashions an individual subject out of social and cultural memberships. The constructivist approach to it does not interpret a self-account or a life narrative reductively as a `mere' instance of face keeping or of making an established biographical genre tell a supposedly experiential tale. It treats it as a creative act that mobilises social knowledge and cultural resources to put a credible, coherent and morally acceptable self-identity across (Linde 1993). The life story is informative about the subject's social world because it puts on display some of the `cultural' and `collective' stories (Miller and Glassner 1997: 106-10) the social world makes available; the problem-solving skills it demands (Witkin 1994); and the categories of membership and activity by which it is constituted (Baker 1997).
Most examples of sociological use of life stories in fact avoid doctrinal extremes. The realist approaches recognise the importance of howa life narrative is told to convey the subject's stance, as well as what it says about social conditions. The constructivist approaches recognise that attending to what the subject says can be helpful to understanding how he uses available resources to constitute a compelling version of the self. Since life story interviews make a special point of giving the respondent the power to select recollections and develop a story line, life story researchers of both persuasions usually make an effort to achieve an empirically secure understanding of it. They seek to identify the gestalt-defining structure of the main and subsidiary themes and leitmotifs. The hermeneutics may vary in its methods from the strictly objective (Rosenthal 1993; Helling 1988; Brose 1989) to the poetic and autobiographically reflexive (Richardson 1992; Riessman 1993; Stanley 1991), but the project of minding the gestalt, so that the interviewee does not get quoted casually out of context, defines an analytically productive middle ground. It perhaps anticipates the middle ground between the realist (or `naturalist') what questions and the constructivist how questions that has been recently advocated for qualitative social research in general (Gubrium 1993a-b, 1995; Gubrium and Holstein 1997). The present project tries to emulate that, too, in that its analyses attend to both the substantive content of the respondents' descriptions and their functionality in the overall self-account.
 Life story research on post-communist societies is ongoing, albeit not long enough to have produced by now many internationally accessible publications. Czech and Slovak academics and students interested in biographical sociology and qualitative methods have their own journal, articles in which encompass a wide range of topics and analytical approaches despite its radically post-modern editor (Konopásek 1994-8; undated).
 The field work of the present project was carried out by myself during university vacations, in 1994-5. The interviews were conducted in the Czech language, transcribed and filed for computer aided analysis on ETHNOGRAPH v.4.0. They ranged in length from under one hour to over four hours. Respondents were assured of anonymity.

The sample

Interest in little history should not be confused with notions of `history from below', which aim primarily to `give a voice' to underprivileged social groups. This sample selection aimed to reflect revolutionary times by making sure to include respondents from contrastive networks involved in the circulation of élites: (a) former communist nomenklatura  - high political and economic executives; (b) activists of political or cultural dissent during the communist era; (c) business founders, owners or directors; and (d) farmers - both private `restituted' farmers and collective farm managers. Thus target categories (a) and (b) were defined by status prior to November 1989 while target categories (c) and (d) were defined by status at the time of the research field-work. Concentration on these target categories, combined with snowball sampling methods, resulted in two additional features of the post-1989 profile: (i) the sample included also a sizeable group of respondents who experienced high political office during 1990-5; and (ii) the business sub-sample became larger than any other, and containing a sizeable élite component. Table 1 (overleaf) is indicative of the pattern of movement in social position that the change of political regimes occasioned among our respondents. The revolution predictably removed the high communist state functionaries in the sample from `high politics' (top row) and brought former dissidents in, at least for a while (third row); and it turned state-enterprise managers into businessmen (second row).
 As regards the business sub-sample, the respondents' involvements included banking and finance; business and management services; industrial production; real estate and property development; the media and publishing; wholesale and retail trade; security services; hotels and restaurants; and farming.

(sorry, but the tables are a mess!  JPR)

Table 1: Respondents' status in the communist regime (rows) and their post-communist positions (columns)
   During 1991-5

      _______________________

      Before November 1989
 
 

      Overall
      sample Members of
      government
      and/or
      parliament,
      deputy ministers,
      chiefs of important
      state institutions Business
      owners,
      directors
      and chief
      executives,
      and private
      farmers New-era
      experience
      includes
      neither
      `high
      politics' nor
      business
      Ministerial members of
      government, central
      political staff, high-
      ranking police officers etc.

      8
      0
      3
      5
      Directors, deputy
      directors, chairmen of
      state enterprises and
      other economic
      organisations

      10*
      1
      9
      1
      Activists of dissident
      circles, Charter 77
      signatories, cultural
      `underground'

      17*
      10
      3
      7
      Ordinary career pattern,
      neither high functionary
      nor dissident

      19*
      1
      11
      8
      Too young for an adult
      career pattern to have
      developed under the old
      regime

      9*
      1
      2
      7
      Foreign nationals - not
      resident in
      Czechoslovakia before
      1990

      4
      1
      1
      2

      Total

      67*
      14
      29
      30
 

      * The number in the `overall sample' column is smaller than the sum of the
      numbers in the rest of the row because some respondents had a period in
      high politics before going into business.
 

            Characteristics of the business respondents
      I have classified the business sub-sample into three categories: `large',
      `small but prosperous', and `small and struggling'. The businesses
      classified as `large' have assets extending well beyond merely making a
      good living for their owners and their families. This could be ascertained
      independently of what the respondents said about them. Firms that were
      household names quoted on the stock-exchange were a clear case in point;
      so were farms whose land holdings were such as to make them the
      dominant institution in their district. In addition, three respondents were
      included in this élite category although they were neither stock-exchange
      quoted nor extensively landed, but they owned whole chains of diverse
      businesses with visible operations and tangible assets. The rest of the
      business respondents were classified as either `small but prosperous' or
      `small and struggling' on the basis of what they said about their situation.
      Table 2 compares the former communist managers and functionaries with
      the rest of the business sub-sample, in terms of their distribution among
      the three categories.

      Table 2: Business respondents' pre-Revolutionary background (rows)
      and current economic status (columns)

      Large business

      Small but prosperous
      Small and struggling
      Communist
      regime's high
      functionaries and
      managers
      9
      2
      1

      All others

      2
      9
      6

      Total

      11
      11
      7
 

      The table corroborates what has been generally well known and
      widely commented upon both within the country and internationally (e.g.,
      Clark and Soulsby 1996). The terms of the `velvet revolution' included a
      decision `not to be like them' (nebudeme jako oni), meaning that the new
      democracy would not replicate the communist revolution in its
      discrimination against the formerly privileged classes. Former communist
      careerists would have the same rights as any other citizen, including the
   new rights of economic entrepreneurship.    Furthermore, the procedures for
      economic privatisation that were put into place enabled former communist
      managers to benefit not only from their technical expertise and general
      drive, which they often genuinely had, but also from their skills in
      cultivating and using personal connections, which had been always crucial
      to managerial success in communist economies (e.g., Andrle 1976). The
      exact ways in which our ex-communist business respondents converted
      their old positions into new success were various, but the central
      importance of informal social networks came across strongly in all their
      biographical self-accounts. These descriptions of private capital formation,
      however, are a topic better saved for another article, for there was another,
      more surprising feature of their life story construction that we wish to
      explore here. It concerns the degree to which the respondents' life stories
      conformed to the conventions of written auto/biographies in their opening
      parts.
          The European literary auto/biography has a canonical form which
      requires the subject to be described, in the opening chapters, as a child
      living within a family and among other influential persons, in a certain
      place and social milieu (Denzin 1989:18). The genre requires the writer `to
      anchor' (Denzin 1989: 39) the reality of the subject in this way, and to
      proceed to develop it in a narrative of emblematic stages and events
      marking the subject's progression from the private to the public sphere,
      from home to school to work (Bruner 1995:170). It would be unwise simply
      to assume that oral narratives should model themselves on this literary
      self-accounting convention, but its power is evident in the life story
      interviews conducted, for example, by my students at York. Although the
      respondents are briefed in a way which avoids any prescription as to where
      their narrative should start and what kind of information it should relate,
      they typically start with the canonical anchoring of themselves in the
      family, locale and social class of their childhood. (`I was born in 1950, at
      home, in a council house in Acomb, that's in York, so I'm a local lass
      [laughter]. My brother was five…') Omitting this information altogether is
      very unusual. In our Czech project, even the initial 17 interviews, in which
      the respondents were asked to give an account of what happened to them
      only in the recent period since 1989, included 10 cases where the
      respondent volunteered biographical anchoring data at least in passing. It
      has come as a surprise, therefore, that the next 50 interviews, which were
      framed as life story ones, included 15 cases (30 per cent) where the
      respondent constructed their self-account without giving any information
      about their parents or the kind of family they were from. These respondents
      could be said to have made a strong decision not to abide by the
      biographical anchoring convention. Moreover, out of the total of 45
      respondents who did say something about their childhood and parents,
      only 25 included a clear indication of their parents' or grandparents' social
      position during the First Republic (1918-38), the period that the current
      public consensus regards as a positive precedent, when Czech society was
      unfettered by political repression.
          There is a good reason why social class background was missing
      from so many respondents' self-accounts. Such information used to have a
      heavy bureaucratic-political significance under the communist regime,
      especially in the 1950s and 1960s, when most of our respondents were
      growing up. In the political bureaucracy's view, a citizen coming out of a
      working-class stock was probably a reliable supporter of the communist
      state and a generally sound salt of the earth type. Those hailing from the
      first republic `bourgeoisie', on the other hand, had to be watched lest they
      indulge in exerting an undermining influence within their environments.
      Emphasising one's working class origins was in many practical contexts of
      the communist state tantamount to demanding a privileged consideration.
      Those from other backgrounds did their best to play their social origins
      down in official self-descriptions, but some of them also revelled in their
      superior First Republic culture and breeding in private among close friends.
      At the time of our interviews, reporting a working class background might
      have been heard as a style of identity construction echoing the defeated
      communist regime. As Table 3 (overleaf) shows, the respondents who did
      observe the biographical anchoring convention mostly had other than a
      manual working class or poor farming background to report.

            Table 3: Respondents who reported their social class background: their
      ancestors' status during the First Republic (rows), and their own status
      at the time of the interview (columns)
      Own status in 1994-5

      ______________________
      Ancestors' status
      prior to 1939
          Large
      business,
      high
      politics  Smaller
      prosperous
      business,
      cultural
      élite  Graduate
      professional
      employment  Failing
      business,
      or
      downwar
      dly
      mobile  Other

      `First Republic's great
      bourgeoisie'
      (prvorepubliková velko-
      bur oazie)

      3
      0
      0
      0
      0

      Middle class - graduates,
      army officers, white collar
      specialists, small factory
      owners, farmers (sedláci)

      6
      4
      1
      0
      0
      Petty business, self-
      employed ( ivnostníci)

      1
      2
      0
      2
      0
      Industrial workers, poor
      smallholders

      1
      1
      2
      2
      1
 

      The table also shows that the respondents who reported upper or
      middle-class roots in the First Republic were currently doing well
      themselves, while those reporting lower-class ancestry were a mixture in
      terms of their current fortunes. Finally, if we look at who is included in
      Table 3, we see a striking characteristic of the business sub-sample. Only a
      minority of the overall sample (26 out of 67) included themselves in the
      table by giving information on their parents' or grandparents' position in
      the First Republic's society. Of all the categories making up the rows and
      columns of Table 1, there is only one which actually has a majority of its
      members including themselves in Table 3: 16 out of the 29 business
      persons did.
            The business respondents' propensity to be forthcoming on their pre-
      communist class lineage becomes even more striking when considered in
      the light of their current standing, as shown in Table 4.

      Table 4: Business respondents' pre-communist social origins      (rows)
      and their own current business status (columns)
      Own status in 1994-5
      ________________________________________
      Ancestors' status prior to 1939

      Large
      business
      Small but
      prosperous
      Small and
      struggling

      `First Republic's great bourgeoisie'

      2
      1*
      0

      Middle class

      6
      3
      0

      Petty business, self-employed

      1
      0
      1

      Industrial workers and poor smallholders

      0
      1*
      1

      No First Republic social lineage was reported

      2
      6
      5

      Total

      11
      11
      7

      *The respondent counted in this cell was counted in the first column in Table 3
      because, in addition to having a business, he was in high politics at the time of the
      interview.
 

      Élite business respondents were the most forthcoming, and they had the
      classiest pre-communist lineage to report.
          There is just one more feature to add to this pattern of the
      respondents' self-accounts. The élite business respondents were not only
      the highest-class group in terms of their pre-communist social lineage; they
      were also high career achievers under the communist regime, as we have
      seen from Table 2. Out of the 9 business élite persons who used to be high
      communist functionaries or managers (top left cell of Table 2), 2 had their
      pre-communist roots in the upper class and 5 in the solid middle class,
      while the remaining 2 gave no information on their social origins. Both the
      élite businessmen who had upper-class pre-communist lineage as well as
      communist nomenklatura experience recalled that their fathers suffered
      imprisonment during the 1950s, the period when the communist regime
      was in its early militant phase. The communist regime was always
      notorious for its class-discriminatory policies, among its own citizens who
      did not have a politically sound proletarian background to claim, and
      among the western publics, too. That our ex-communist business-élite sub-
      sample turns out to be particularly bourgeois in its social lineage appears
      to run counter to that notoriety, as does perhaps the fact that out of the 14
      respondents reporting upper or middle-class background (top two rows in
      Table 3), 12 are university graduates. Maybe attention to the stories
      themselves will throw some light on the buoyant class phenomenon that
      our statistical cross-tabulations intimate.

      Mr Bárta's story of an upper class family restoration: a résumé

      The two élite businessmen who had upper class lineage and imprisoned
      fathers as well as senior managerial careers in the communist era were Mr
      Ambro  and Mr Bárta. Mr Ambro , an industrialist, started his life story
      with his father's imprisonment and the family having to move out of their
      house when he was a child. That happened because his family had been
      factory owners since the 1870s. He had some difficulty getting a place in
      secondary school, but other than that, he hastened to add, he came to no
      harm. `They hurt Dad, but not me, let's get that straight' (940715a: lines
      83-8). Mr Ambro  did not return to this theme, his narrative from then on
      being mainly about his own career in management, although his family
      background made obliquely a fleeting reappearance later, when he revealed
      that he had a brother in emigration, who ran his own business in
      Switzerland. Again, however, he hastened to add that nobody stood in his
      way when he wanted to visit him, which he did twice or thrice during the
      communist times (940715a: lines 862-5).
          Mr Bárta by contrast made his high class background and his
      restoration of capitalist might to his family the gestalt-defining main theme
      of his narrative. He was similar in this respect to the third person counted
      in the top left cell in Table 3, who was, however, primarily a right-of-centre
      politician who had been in dissent during the communist era. Mr Bárta's
      story goes back to the First Republic's birth. His paternal grandfather was a
      founding member of a new bank, in which capacity he was able to exert
      influence on government economic policy. In addition, he became a large
      landowner under the auspices of the 1922 land reform (for which see
      Cornwall 1997), taking possession of an estate that used to belong to a
      German industrialist. Mr Bárta's maternal grandfather was another director
      in the same bank. The family lost their fortune to the communist state and,
      after Mr Bárta's father's arrest in 1951, they `were moved to Prague' to
      share an apartment with grandparents. Father was released from prison
      after a year, the charges against him having been dropped. A lawyer, he
      learned an electrician's trade and worked manually until 1963, when he got
      a good job in the Prague branch of a foreign-owned firm. Mr Bárta managed
      to get into a secondary school without delay though not without difficulty,
      but after his maturita exam he worked as a garage mechanic for a year,
      because he `had to become closer to the working class' before he could gain
      a place in the university. Not that he minded manual work. Throughout his
      undergraduate years, and for a period after that, he did a lot of
      moonlighting as a labourer, to support a life style which required a car for
      frequent hunting trips to a forest that used to belong to the family. On
      graduation he got a normal graduate job, in the industrial headquarters
      that would remain his employer for over 23 years.
          In 1968 his parents and his brother emigrated, and after they were
      convicted for the crime in absentia a year later, he faced a difficult period
      during which he achieved several important things. Firstly, he avoided
      military service by getting a final exemption on health grounds, with the
      help of an understanding hospital consultant. Secondly, he got tenure of
      the apartment his parents had vacated, although `at the cost of some
      financial sacrifice'. Thirdly, he became friends with a secret police agent,
      the Stb (the Czechoslovak secret police institution at the time) having their
      interest in him prompted by the fact that he alone chose to stay while the
      rest of his immediate family emigrated, but this did not lead to any
      troublesome embroilment. Fourthly, he managed to buy back from the state
      his mother's half-share in a house situated in a country beauty spot near
      Prague, which the state had confiscated as a penalty for her emigration. Mr
      Bárta's main employment was not paying much at that early stage of his
      career but, as we already know, he was an energetic moonlighter. And
      finally, despite his moonlighting needs, he got his employer's confidence
      and protection.
           `I enjoyed the support of some people, e.g. my employer, who kind of
                protected me from the regime's hostility, so I was able to work
                normally in lower positions.' (940726a: lines 215-22.)
           He was promoted to senior executive ranks by the end of the 1970s. Soon
      after that, he got his first permission to travel abroad to see his mother in
      western Europe, which visit he was able to repeat every year from then on.
      In the mid-1980s he got permission to visit his brother in Canada. By that
      time his function in the industrial directorate was very senior.
           Several weeks after the revolution he was invited, as a capable
      manager who had the additional advantage of not being a Communist Party
      member, to join the new government as a deputy minister. He had the
      foresight to tell his minister, a long time before the `lustration law'
      demanding the vetting of state functionaries was even mooted, that there
      was a likelihood of there being a record that might be misconstrued in the
      Stb archives, relating to his contacts with Stb personnel in 1969. The
      minister arranged to check the records, but gratifyingly no incriminating
      file was found. Mr Bárta directed the privatisation of an increasing portfolio
      of industries in his years in government office. After that, he joined the
      privatised economy to direct a large investment fund. Like his paternal
      grandfather at the First Republic's birth, Mr Bárta took part in the post-
      communist republic's economic formation. He also restituted some of his
      grandparental property, including the 400 hectare estate with a chateau
      that his family had to leave when he was a young schoolboy. This is how he
      summarised the difference that the demise of communism made to his life:
           `As for my life, it changed fundamentally, because I am in fact the
                only one -- out of my family, to have restored the discontinuity where
                my family which, prior to 1948, belonged, if not to the very top élite -
                - to those who took part in managing the state, or its finances; to
                those who had an exceptional, prominent social position...The next
                thing is, what our children who will take over from us will make of it.
                Our time is obviously running short.' (940726a: lines 1317-45.)
                Repeatedly throughout his narrative, Mr Bárta emphasised his
      closeness to his maternal grandparents in particular, and reinforced his
      identification with his family background by giving a credit to the
      upbringing he had got. He always understood that there could be no
      worthwhile rewards without hard work, having been told of the long hours
      his banker granddad used to work during the First Republic. And, he had
      been made to understand other useful principles besides; this is how he
      started his answer when asked about changes in his acquaintance
      networks after joining the government in 1990:
           `I always keep a principle that they made a point of teaching me at
                home. They said, when you are ascending, always greet respectfully
                the people (coming from the opposite direction) you will be meeting.
                Keep in touch with them all, because you will be meeting them again
                when you are descending.' (940726a: lines 937-943.)
           Mr Bárta's story: a discussion in the light of some cross-
      comparisons
      Some elements in Mr Bárta's story are worthy of a note for their recurrence
      in other respondents' accounts. The first one concerns his father's year in
      jail, during which his family `were moved' from their house. Mr Ambro
      reported the same pair of events, as did also another respondent, who
      actually gave details of his arrested father's "voluntary" agreement to
      concede a family-owned building to the state (940409b: lines 105-41). The
      communist nationalisation acts had taken substantial means of production
      but allowed personal-use properties to remain in private ownership. There
      were, however, various grounds on which suspected enemies of socialism
      could be arrested. The remaining desirable private properties thus
      sometimes became bargaining chips that could buy an early release from
      jail for the head of the family and perhaps a promise of a viable future for
      his children. Out of the six respondents whose upper-class or middle-class
      fathers were arrested during the militant `class-struggle' period of the
      communist regime, five grew up to be university graduates with jobs to
      match.
           Secondly, Mr Bárta's account is suggestive of a straightforward
      strategy for overcoming the handicap of a bourgeois social origin. When
      making his university application, he was in effect able to claim
      membership in the working class, for was he not a worker and a worker's
      son? Although it was possible that someone or other of the people having
      an input into the assessment and vetting of applicants might be able to
      contest the claim, doing that would require a strong personal motivation.
           The third point to note concerns a fact to which two of our
      respondents who used to be communist ministers bore a testimony
      (940719a: lines 240-8 and 1228-47; 940913a: lines 1960-8): after the
      Warsaw Pact invasion quashed the Prague Spring, the `normalisation
      regime' discriminated primarily against people who refused to declare their
      consent with the invasion. Social class origins thus became relatively
      unimportant. Mr Bárta's family's emigration in 1968 clearly complicated
      matters for him, but neither they nor he had been active in the Prague
      Spring, and he chose not to join them in leaving the country. He only
      needed to reassure the authorities, for example by keeping on friendly
      terms with the Stb agent who questioned him about his decision to stay,
      and his career actually stood to benefit from the `normalisation' purges of
      1969-71, which suddenly created a lot of vacancies in all executive ranks.
           Fourthly, we note the taken for granted manner in which Mr Bárta
      describes business élite positions, his grandfathers' as well as his own
      current one, as playing a part in `managing the state'. This is in fact
      something that distinguishes the business élite respondents from those
      running smaller businesses, be they prosperous or struggling. While the
      latter described their business development in terms of their decisions
      about products and their success in getting contracts, the business élite
      described their success as the result of strategic decisions concerning the
      size and alignments of their organisations; in their accounts, business
      success was inseparable from an empire-building element such as could
      provide some weight in dealing with the government and the state-
      controlled banks.
           Our fifth point concerns Mr Bárta's claim that his chief's willingness
      to grant him a protection from the communist regime's hostility was a
      necessary condition of his career progress. `Protection' turns out to be a
      very common theme throughout the overall sample. Evoking it shows the
      narrator to be a victim rather than a beneficiary of the communist regime;
      the regime was basically hostile to you but luckily there were good people
      who appreciated your virtues and used their influence to make sure that
      you got your chance. This theme was especially common in accounts of
      getting a place in secondary school, of which more below. Giving protection
      to capable employees conversely played an important part in the former
      communist ministers' accounts of their own conduct in high office.
           Finally, we note the difference between Mr Ambro  and Mr Bárta in
      the uses to which they put their bourgeois family background in their self-
      accounts. Mr Ambro  made sure right at the beginning that his interlocutor
      knew him to be an industrialist from a family of industrialists going back to
      the 1870s, but hastened to disclaim being a victim of the fallen communist
      regime. His narrative from then on was oriented to dividing the communist
      system into silly-political and technical-economic spheres, placing his
      career squarely in the latter, and emphasising the expertise he acquired in
      it that remained useful even when the revolution required a rapid
      adjustment to market conditions. The conditions changed radically and
      there has been plenty for him to learn, but fundamentally he did not have
      to change, because he always had the optimism, drive and ability that got
      things going and enabled his employees to earn their living. This
      construction of a continuity theme connecting one's acts and fortunes in a
      discredited past regime with those in the present was typical of other
      communist-era managers. Intimation of a deeper class continuity, now that
      a solid bourgeois background was assumed a good thing in a public
      discourse that lamented the damage communism had done to the Czech
      social fabric, added a relish to the managerialist tale.
           Mr Bárta's story was by contrast an epic of a family-based social
      identity surviving the communist bad times. It was replete with episodes
      that incidentally testified to the resilience of the social fabric of a (mythical
      perhaps) bygone age, with its timeless virtues. For example, it told of the
      relationship he kept up all his life with the villagers of his grandparents'
      expropriated country estate, with whom he stayed in their homes and did
      hard forestry work as well as game hunting. They even entrusted him with
      the local knowledge they had, at the height of the cold war, of the
      permeability of the border with a neighbouring western state that ran
      through their patch. The central plot of this social survival epic consisted of
      the problem-solving he did after his family emigrated. This shows a resolve
      not to lose the remnants of family property to the state, at the time when
      owning a property could be viewed as being more hassle than it was worth,
      and negotiating skills that secured both the family property and the
      protagonist's own career advancement in the communist `normalisation'
      regime. It could have been heard as a morally suspect case of wheeler-
      dealing on one's own behalf with the regime's authorities. The overall
      narrative context, however, encouraged it to be heard as a case of good
      bourgeois pedigree upbringing, the social continuity that prevailed against
      the political regime; a case of moral survival.

      Getting a place in secondary school: cultural stories of the

      middle class

      Many a respondent included some event relating to their progress through
      the education system in their self-account. That could have been expected
      for many reasons, including the fact that only 40 per cent of the country's
      working age population have a maturita certificate (equivalent to A-levels or
      the Baccalaureate) and 10 per cent have higher education degrees. Those
      who, like the majority of our respondents, belong to the graduate minority
      unsurprisingly tend to show some consciousness of that social membership
      in their self-accounts. The phenomenon I wish to discuss here is that
      getting a place in a secondary school after the completion of compulsory
      schooling at age 15 was an event that was often not merely reported or
      mentioned in passing, but narrated as a dramatic action with a setting,
      characters, a plot and a moral. Moreover, this was typically the first
      narrated event in the overall self-account. And, unlike our York life stories,
      where the middle-aged generation often gave the ordeal of sitting their 11+
      exam this kind of dramatic emphasis, our Czech stories of educational
      passage did not really feature anxieties about academic performance as
      such. They are stories with a strong intervention plot (SIP), where good
      academic ability was a mere pre-condition in the successful passage. They
      are also social-class stories. In the case of respondents from lower-class
      backgrounds, the SIP involved certain teachers going into great lengths to
      persuade the academically gifted child's parents and any other authorities
      that had a say in the matter (e.g., collective farms) that the child should
      stay in academic schooling instead of leaving it to learn a manual trade. In
      the case of male respondents from middle-class backgrounds, the SIP
      related to the fact that the selection process was not just academic, but
      involving also social character and political reliability checks; and, that the
      original selection committee's decisions could be overturned by higher
      authorities.
           These middle-class stories were about an academically good child
      facing a political obstacle put in his way. He, however, eventually got
      through `thanks to the bravery of certain persons. There are always some
      people who are brave, and a significant influence on you'. (940727a: lines
      49-57.) All these stories had a happy ending, although there were cases
      where the protagonist had to compromise on his first choice. Out of the
      middle-class respondents counted in the top two rows of Table 3, all but
      two were university graduates, and neither of the two exceptions claimed
      that they had been barred from university study by political discrimination.
      Cases of academically good children really ending up being denied full-time
      school places concerned two of our respondents' wives, kulak daughters
      both. In the more detailed narratives, the political obstacles that our
      respondents had to overcome got the shape of particular local people sitting
      in committees doing `complex character evaluation' (komplexní kádrové
      hodnocení) of individuals, on the basis of worthiness-rating rules and
      records allowing varied interpretation. They wanted to use the rules to our
      deserving protagonist's disadvantage, often for personal reasons of their
      own rather than because of proletarian zealotry, but luckily they could be
      neutralised by others willing to use those same rules and rhetoric to his
      advantage. The stories told of the protagonists' parents using their
      ingenuity and contacts to get someone sitting in a relevant committee to put
      a good word in. They marked the child's emergence from a protected home
      enclave into a society where his parents had to fix some protection for him
      lest spiteful or scheming people conspire to exclude him from getting his
      just deserts.
           They were cultural stories (Miller and Glassner 1997) of the middle
      class. They emphasised the value of education; distanced the protagonist
      from the communist regime, even though he went on to make a career in it;
      situated his family in a social fabric of `good and brave' people; told of
      skills in the pragmatic use of the communist regime's own rules and
      rhetoric; and of a world which everyone knew connections and patronage
      made to go around.

      Conclusion

      Our findings do not permit us to say that the class struggle proclaimed by
      the Czech communist revolution was all bark and no bite where the old
      bourgeoisie's children were concerned. We don't know if a sample
      containing more manual workers would have turned out cases of persistent
      class discrimination. Our data, however, certainly testify to the existence of
      a `buoyant class' in Czech society: bourgeois children who emerged to
      power and privilege under communism, to become major beneficiaries of
      the capitalist restoration. They show, on the one hand, the capacity of
      families to transmit social networking skills as well as academic
      competence, and on the other hand, the communist regime's openness to
      personal patronage. In addition, a constructivist reading of the data shows
      how pre-communist bourgeois lineage, in combination with the great
      history's stereotype of communist class hostility, becomes a narrative
      resource for attending to the potential stigma of a communist career.
      A life story constructs an iconic self (Linde 1993). It intimates the
      existence of an individual human subject as a continuity that spans roles,
      situations and times. It gives that continuity a positive moral connotation
      by rooting it in a sense of shared cultural membership the narrator creates
      with their audience. The narrator attends to potential fissures in the
      subject's continuity and membership; minds the ways in which the
      audience might reassemble the represented acts and traits as a
      representation of stigmatised identity. The narrator does this biographical
      work by using the cultural resources in hand.
           A revolution proclaims a discontinuity in great history. It permeates
      little history by the threat of stigmatisation to its subjects. It is a challenge
      to the art of telling a good success story. Yesteryear's triumphs might seem
      hollow or unsavoury today. Current displays of membership in the new era
      might seem contrived to witnesses from the past. It makes it problematic to
      be neither a turncoat nor a dinosaur. Understanding post-revolutionary
      societies requires attention to how members deal with this problem in their
      biographical work.
 

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Finnish Baby Boomers and Work


Paper presented at the Research Network Biographical Perspectives on European Societies
4th European Conference of Sociology, August 18 - 21, 1999, Amsterdam

Tommi Hoikkala

Research Director
D. Soc. Sci.
Finnish Youth Research Network
Olympic Stadium
South Curve, A-gate
FIN-00250 Helsinki
(tel.): +358-9-348 24327
email: tommi.hoikkala@alli.fi
 

When I began the task of writing about work and the baby boomer generation, I saw many dangers lurking in the shadows. I considered how I might escape the trap of painting a stereotypical picture of the workaholic mania inherent in the Finns' survival story, in which a person's human value was dependent on his or her productivity. In the process of this consideration I came to the conclusion that in avoiding this stereotype it must still be admitted that workaholism (and survival) is at the root of everything. But still I was determined to get straight to the point and avoid any simplistic or subjectively charged readings of the material, and I decided to seek a variable classification of the baby boomers' relations to work. No general speeches about the significance of work to Finland's large post-war generation as a whole outside of the individual life situations – the concrete forms of employment, education and life experience involved in each case. I have thus investigated the significance of work in different phases of life, for different genders and within different socio- cultural backgrounds. In this article I dig the theme of work out of the life stories of fifty-year-olds and tie these stories together in terms of a broader (sociological) discussion and picture of Finland and Finnish society. At the very least this implies consideration of age groups, generations and cultural transition. In the process I have been able to penetrate the significance of work and its social connections by means of the stories of this rather dominant age group.
 

The Introductions in Basic Autobiographies


I will begin with a somewhat random collection of introductory statements from basic autobiographical sketches(1) in which baby boomers describe the bases, backgrounds and starting points for the directions their lives have taken. Such introductions are important, in that they direct our attention to the Finland which dominated the early lives of our country's baby boomers: the distant horizon of the recent past.

(1) I tend to say that my roots are in crofter stock. I was born in Köyliö in ‘50. I was born in the same village as both of my parents and all of my grandparents except one. Köyliö has been governed by a manor house, and the vast majority of the farms have been crofter spreads. If I remember right, my own father had a bit of payment work to do when he was young. My parents were both born in ‘21, went to the same elementary school, had their confirmation training together and then at twenty-six years old they got married. And maybe this kind of a background, which I was lucky to have, gives me the feeling of basic personal security which I have. But of course there's also – if you think about this sort of background – just as great a risk of the environment being too close and suffocating. But the basic premise was that they both came from the crofters' cottage. I use that term without belittling this background, but in fact it wasn't a farm properly speaking; just a very small spread. My father worked as keeper of the co-op store in the next village and until she retired my mother ran this small agricultural operation, caring for the cows and doing very hard work. Besides all of this I was an only child, which I understand was a conscious choice that my parents made on account of it not being possible for them to put too many children through school. This too shows a basic premise from the start that education was to be stressed and valued. (Raili, b. 1950, personnel manager)(2)
(2) I lived my first twenty years in Mikkeli and went through a my schooling there: grammar school, five grades of middle school or secondary school and then two years of commercial training, which I finished in ‘67. I was adopted into the family I grew up in at a year and a half old, and there I was the only child. In my original family I have other siblings, but naturally I hadn't been in touch with them in any way until very recently.  Father's dead but mother's still alive. I had a pretty normal childhood. Nothing spectacular to be mentioned there. Just the same as for any kid, sports were always close to my heart, and I've gone right up to the top in sports, not as a player myself but as a coach. (Kari, b.1947, consultant)
(3) I was born in mid-Ostrobothnia, the youngest of twelve children. My mother was born in 1904; my father, in 1898. My childhood was in a farm house, with my father working as a woodsman and my mother taking care of the livestock and us kids. My older brothers had already moved away from home by the time I was born. We were eight boys and four girls. My earliest childhood memories are of my mother's fiftieth birthday and my sister's wedding, when I was four years old. I got two new dresses, and they stuck in my mind because they we picked them up on the morning when sis got hitched. (Marja, b. 1947, nurse's aid, retired)
(4) This here's the house I was born in, where I still live and till the soil. I was born to a farm family in ‘47. That there war had just ended and my folks got married in ‘44 and moved out here to do a bit of farmin'. My grandparents had bought the place for somewhere to live when they were pretty old already in ‘39, and Pa wanted to farm when the war ended.  So it starts with just a few acres of cleared land and then another twenty-five/thirty acres of woods, outa which they went to get a living. I'd say my childhood was pretty modest, money wise at least, since my folks didn't own anything else of any value. They both just had their two hands and the set out to farm this here land. Then they got a bit more land so that things got better in that way. My whole life has kinda been in the ways of these parts and workin' this land, where I was raised with my sister. I've got a younger sister, sister three years younger'n me. (Juhani, b. 1947, farmer)
(5) I'm native born to Tampere. Both my folks been there for generations. I've got two brothers, one a couple years older, one a couple years younger. Dad was workin' in as a machine man the factory.  His life whole life changed during the war ‘cause he applied to study and got in, but then he got back from the war and  there's a family with one kid already. Mom was at home until when my little brother started school. Poverty and misery following the war describe my childhood pretty much dead on. Neither of my folks had any great luck, so what they had was what they got for themselves with their own work. (Inkeri, b. 1947, kindergarten teacher)
(6) I was born in Helsinki's Women's Clinic, the younger of two brothers. My brother's three and a half years older than me. My childhood then was over in Pakila [a district towards the north end of Helsinki] where we moved when I was three, and where I spent all my youth. I had lots of buddies and for some reason they were always younger than me. Folks called me king of the little boys when I didn't seem to fit in with the bigger kids. I don't really remember much of my childhood, but I always remember that my father and mother had just started a business and that it took so much of their time that they didn't get home until ten or eleven at night. We had a housekeeper living with us. We had two rooms and a kitchen and there were four of our own plus the maid, but we all fit. (Simo, b. 1948, representative)
(7) I was born in the southern part of Savo and my home was way out in the countryside. My parents' background was that my mother was a so-called Karelian fling; she ended up losing her own home and family and getting to know my father after the Winter War. There's a big brother and big sister in my family, and then I've got a little sister besides. My father came from the leading family of the village, and before the big break-up it was a seriously large place: thousands and thousands of acres. After the war my father had to give up farming because of back problems, so he sold the manor to his siblings and we moved to a woodsman's place. He was a foreman in a plywood factory, a warehouse manager and these types of things besides working the forest. My mother was a housewife. I myself had very long trips to school. For grammar school at first it was only two and a half kilometers, which I walked or skied in order to learn. When it was time to start secondary school it was by no means obvious that kids from my class would be going – this milieu, besides being out in the countryside, had a bit of local industry which employed the parents of most of my classmates – so going to secondary school was more rare. I of course was, by chance, or actually not so much by chance, the best in my class, so the teacher too saw it as obvious that I would go on to secondary. And my big brother had already gone down that road, him being six years older than me, and he was already close to finished with secondary school. (Seija, b. 1947, educator)
These autobiographical introductions set the tone for their narrators' entire perspective in life. The narrators touch on their places of birth, order of birth and family, especially parents, often referring to their education and their place in the geneological chain. Material related to the theme of work is also laid out in the beginning of their stories, either immediately or a little ways into things. The references sound familiar: peasant life, Finnish agriculture, the astounding centrality of education, migration, all kinds of honor bestowed upon the industriousness of Finland's agrarian society (cf. Kortteinen 1982 & 1992; Roos 1987). In the beginning of their stories more than one narrator speaks of the meagerness of his or her origins – conditions were poor and modest, which anticipates the place which the last half-century has brought us to. Speaking of the nature of the starting point seems to emphasize that the narrators are the children of those of the war generation and the post-war reconstruction generation (Roos 1987). I wish to emphasize both the chain of generations and the idea of societal change by way of the generation gap. The openings of these life stories give us a glimpse of what Finland was actually like just after the war, in the 1940s and 50s.
The interviews which I conducted were not thematically about work; the narrators speak of their entire lives (up to the time of the interview) from the perspective of middle age. This was done at approximately 50 years old, at which time one can say where one has come from, what has been done and where one might be going. It is also significant that these narratives are told in a critical and evaluative way – albeit to highly variable degrees (Hyvärinen et al 1998). The narratives are thus told from a present day perspective, with work per se not being brought up in the interviews; it rather just came up by itself in the course of talking about their lives in total. This too is variable; some with psychological sensitivity stress the history of their frames of mind, while others focus on their career developments – though including some levity – en route towards enlightenment and success in a very work-centered sort of way. Gender plays an interesting role: if the narrators of psychologically sensitive tales tend to be women, narrators of work and career centered stories are of both genders, women steam-rolling their way through life just as madly as men ever did. Accomplishment and survival in Finland are not just the fate of men then, but generally binding cultural realities.

Baby Boomers

The baby boomer generation has exercised a great deal of control over society, partially by virtue of its size. In this article I am speaking more narrowly about those who were born in the years between 1945 and 1950, which for Finland were times of the very highest birthrate. there was a total of 620,000 babies born in our country during these years. Matti Virtanen (1998, 75-76) is of the opinion that it is inaccurate to speak of this cohort(3) as the largest age group, because, for instance, of the 526,000 born between 1946 and 1950, there are only 436,000 still alive (and 35,000 of those live in Sweden). This cohort's starting blocks were rather dramatic, infant mortality still being very high: 6000 annually, compared with approximately 300 annually in recent years. The difference in size between this and the next comparable cohort (those born 1951-55) has been reduced considerably: of the latter there are 404,000 remaining of the 458,000 born during those years.  According to Virtanen, if we speak of Baby Boomers in a Finnish context then the pipe must extend at least from 1945 to 1957 (Virtanen 1998, 76)(4).

In terms of this article though, the exact dividing line between cohorts is not of primary importance(5). If the presenters of the biographies behind this material were, with two exceptions, born 1945-50, we can speak with certainty of their experiences reflecting those of the baby boomer generation, and on this basis we can evaluate the differences between the experiences of this generation and those of generations which preceded and followed it in an entirely sufficient manner. This is the case where the rule of thumb is to categorize those (born and) raised after the Second World War according to their own given frameworks. My investigative interest is thus more analytic than demographic.
Analogy emphasizing quantity (the large generation) is certainly justified and natural in relation to these groups. Baby boomers have been a highly visible contingent, leaving their mark on all of the various institutions of  Finnish society (Karisto et al. 1997, 2). In the 1940s the maternity counseling service network had to be expanded and in the fifties more elementary schools had to be built so that all of the boomers would fit in. Vocational schools and higher education as well were expanded to accommodate this group, though the actual expansion on education was realized only after they had finished (Virtanen 1998a, 214). In 1948 the state began to pay child care supplements, a sign – analyzed in retrospect – that developments for their benefit have always been connected with the growth and expansion of the welfare state. Many of the educated members of this cohort found jobs within the expanded service sectors of state and municipal government. (But what will happen at the point of their retirement?) As they migrated towards the cities the need arose for  more housing and other services, and so the Finnish suburbs were born.

Generation and Experience

Within generational research the formative phase of development is considered to be crucial. On the advice of Karl Mannheim (1959, 230-235) we can summarize by saying that generations are made up of those which have lived their youth in the same historical period and under the same social conditions so that they share and/or claim to have certain experiences that are limited to this group(6). Youth is important here, because it is seen as the formative phase of life, in that experiences had and sought out at this impressionable age are seen as shaping the later identity and way of life of the person in question in a decisive way. Strictly speaking we can only speak of generations if a particular cohort has a self-consciousness about itself as an age group. Broadly speaking this is not the case here(7). Talk of a generation here, however, refers to the aspect in which we latch onto the cohort's unique experiences. Thus in this article I use the terms age group, cohort and generation in a parallel fashion.

In reference to the baby boomers, the search for a unique shared experience brings our thoughts back first of all to post-war Finland. The provocative title of Marja Tuominen's doctoral dissertation, We are All Children of Warriors, crystallizes a lot. The metaphor opens a serious horizon of experience into post-war authority landscapes, the hierarchical structure of day to day life and working life, the patriarchal relationship between the genders, as well as perhaps the whole nation's spiritual condition. Fathers had the final say. The fathers of most of those born between 1945 and 1957 were in fact combat veterans which returned from war to be the masters of old or new (relocation) farmsteads.

Other factors uniting the Baby Boomers are related to age groups' maturing processes, (changing) conditions for socialization, changes in the system of education and waves of migration from the countryside to the cities. Youth culture first struck in Finland as a broad phenomenon on the wings of the entertainment industry for this cohort. Of course it was not the same for everyone; youth could be stretched for a  university student in an entirely different way than for someone whose education ended and working life began at 15 years old(8). Thus the rise of youth culture in Finland was most clearly a story of class divisions (Heiskanen & Mitchell 1985). Matti Virtanen speaks (1997, 3) of the birth of a perpetual youth culture, the elements of which included a homemade mix of Finnish rural dance traditions (with names like "jenkka" and "humppa"), the breakthrough of Western pop culture (rock ‘n roll), the specter of free leisure time (the Saturday prayer movement)(9), dating (an eroticized culture of male-female relationships) and a more or less careful drunken partying orientation. Certain conditions for the rise of this youth culture and the birth of perpetual youth culture were economic growth, a rising standard of living, the gradual breakthrough of consumer culture, but also the expansion of education and the educational institutions.   One sign of the birth of perpetual youth culture was that it procrastinated entry into working life, more for some than for others.

The major migration into urban (and suburban) areas characterizes the baby boomers. This migration brought about a structural change in society – cf. sociologists' talk of  the Great Migration – the geographical-physical dimension of connecting movement. Of the boomer cohort being analyzed here – those born 1946-1950 – 77 % were born in the countryside, and yet today the majority of them live in cities (Valkonen & Nikander 1990, 78). The reason for moving had to do with work, but that was not the only factor. If (long) periods of education are added into this equation, we arrive at increased social mobility, social advancement, new professional structures, clerical work and the birth of a new middle class(10), the recruiting base for which was among the rural-born baby boomers.
 

The Generation of Change?

One way of tying everything together is to speak of the generation of change. There is a great temptation to sociologically dramatize the life horizons of the baby boomers, and argue like Anthony Giddens (1991) that  the tale of the baby boomers is one of the breaking down traditional society so that those age groups are seen as agents of cultural erosion of traditional society or even – if we can stand Giddens's sociological jargon – as reflexive self-project actors taking the place of traditions.

During the time that the early baby boomers have grown up and aged (0-53 years old) a significant change has taken place in the organization of society and everyday life in the Western world, and the generation of change has formed a central turning point in this process. In Finland this change took place relatively late, but rather dramatically. One manifestation of the transition is the shift in the roles of the sexes. If in the 1940s men still had a clear power advantage over women in many areas of life, then this advantage seriously began to crumble in the sixties at the latest, especially in the Nordic countries(11).  What J. P. Roos (1996) calls father's law, a man's patriarchal right to make the final decisions throughout the entire culture and society, has lost its power in the post-war period.

During the life of this generation of change the family has changed from being a unit of production (cf. agriculture) into a privatized and intimate unit of consumption and emotion, often centered around the children. The work and rationality based marriages of the war and rebuilding generation were being replaced by the emotional unions of the baby boomers. Relatively widespread divorce began, which still did not mean the death of the institutions of home life, the family or even marriage (Jallinoja 1997, 66). The relationship of work and family has also been shifting during the lifetime of the generation of change. Women have become more committed to being wage earners, so that the model of the two-income family has been the basis of Finnish social politics. As the significance of work outside of the home has increased for baby boomer women, the significance of work as the basis of the male identity has been diluted.  Thus the family has arisen as the central arena of a man's life in a new way. Or perhaps it would be more accurate to say that other areas of life have risen to compete with work in a man's priorities in life: being a work-centered, distant father and disciplinary agent, as the fathers of the war generation were perceived as being(12), just doesn't cut it any more (Roos & Rotkirch 1997 ).

Work has still been the measure of a man, but it is no longer sufficient unto itself. Often new external requirements have come at men from the direction of women. The position of the man in the family is not what it used to be, and women's regard for men, as well as men's own concepts of what they are able and responsible to do in the family and life together, have changed. For baby boomer men being buried in work in the same way as their fathers were is no longer remunerated with the sort of prestige at home that their fathers had. They have been in an interesting and contradictory melting pot: they have had a picture from their own fathers and the father's law model, but in their relationships with the liberated women of their own generation they can't get by with that old framework.

Change has affected relations between the genders in the working place as well. Crudely put, during the time of the generation of change men have lost their automatic legitimate right to lead and command. In the home fathers lost their status as provider and their authority as head of the family – and women lost the institutional status of housewife (Tigerstedt 1996) if ever there was such a thing in Finland on account of the high percentage of women which have been in the labor force throughout the twentieth century.

If the change is critiqued, one sees it as a crisis for men, as the personal fulfiller of another person, as emotional support. Whether this is a change articulated by women or the result of men fulfilling their own desires is an interesting question. In the following are the voices of a few of Finland's baby boomers, some of which paint a picture of the generation of change thesis and some of which don't seem to give a damn about it. We find some confusion, but also the feeling of having discovered new lands.

Kari Metsänen: All of the staff battalions were dismissed


Kari Metsänen (b. 1947) – second among the autobiographical introductions given above – is not especially confused, but speaks in a way that brings to mind Robert Brannon's (1976) list of the principles of market masculinity.  According to these, the requirements of masculinity can be condensed down into four mottoes: (a) "No sissy stuff", (b) "be a big wheel", (c) be a sturdy oak and (d) "give 'em hell" . By operating according to these standards, one accrues – it is often assumed in Western culture – success, fortune and power. This is self-confident king-of-the-hill manliness: fighting, accomplishing and pushing towards the top. Metsänen went through basic commercial training and has held many positions in retail management. In addition to these he has acted as a sports coach, going all the way to the national championship level in his sport, and he has been a leader of professional organizations in his field. Traveling abroad has been his favorite way to spend his vacations.

Metsänen's story is a work-centered tale of career advancement, has he moves from one municipality to another in pursuit of more challenging and interesting jobs. His style of speaking is crude and direct, as can be seen in what he has to say about food, for instance: "I like basic sausage. I like pork – pork shoulder in particular, which is one of the fatty parts. And I like cream, I like butter. I use them in cooking and drink beer with my food. I learned that while I was in Germany, and I ain't planning to give it up until I have to. I gotta do something for my condition."  Concerning his only child, a daughter coming into adulthood ("Things ain't bad between us now that she don't live at home any more.") Metsänen speaks with his friends in a contentious sort of way: "Something's gotta be said about the way that girl spends money," but on the other hand, "we particularly want her to be able to travel." He respects his wife because she is "the person who has had the most influence" in his life.

Metsänen's life, however, has not been just a straight forward pursuit of greater and greater success. The major recession of the nineties forced the large corporation which he was working for as a marketing director to reorganize. "All eleven managers were dismissed and all of the staff battalions were dismissed and five hundred other management level officials and workers were let go."  In other words, Metsänen got canned. There followed a personal crisis which he survived by doing yard work for a few months: "Ditch digging sweated it all out." He then founded his own company in the same field, which he is running quite successfully today, though in the mid-nineties the threat of it bottoming out still haunted him. Metsänen sees himself as having had a good proper upbringing which has been of great value to him later in life, not the least in working life. His proper upbringing, "starts with honoring parents, honoring the clock, which means if you agree to come home at such and such a time, then you stick to it. Rather strict compared with these days." Metsänen says that this is the basis of his own strictness as a manager and coach: "I'm used to giving orders."

It's hard to say to what extent we can speak of Metsänen as part of the generation of change, since in many respects his way of speaking is mostly made up of traditional masculine influences. It is the familiar voice of the straight-forward tale of survival, conquest and accomplishment. The metaphors for corporate leadership are taken from military terminology (battalions), child raising practice is in the framework of traditional ideas (honoring parents), authority structures preferably hierarchical rather than based on equality and women are seen from just above. But: when it comes to describing the relationships between the genders and generations in more detail Metsänen's definition of masculine direct authoritativeness in some ways starts to cough and sputter. The expression becomes more emotional – fear (?), confusion, laughter, irony. Though he refers to himself as "domineering", the role divisions in his family are such that, "I try to give the orders but then in the end the wife makes the final decisions."

Metsänen has not raised his daughter according to the same principles that he himself was raised with. He talks of avoiding discipline ("I'm not so strict as what our mother was, maybe giving too many freedoms"). His pronoun usage also changes as he talks about child raising, from a first-person active to a third-person plural passive, which I interpret as meaning that the daughter's upbringing in the everyday routine sense has been primarily Mrs. Metsänen's territory. This is natural if and when Metsänen has focused his life on work according to the traditional father role-model. From the children's perspective the traditional war and rebuilding generation father has been a distant, feared and yet longed for character (Roos & Rotkirch 1997). I have noted points here were the thematic framework for what Metsänen has to say is discipline and the strictness/looseness of upbringing, which is a familiar (= traditional) authoritative provider-father paradigm. Work occupies most of his time, but when the father is home he is accustomed to giving the orders. Metsänen's attitude is clear, but it is another question how well it fits in with this day and age. Times change; young people, Metsänen believes,  are too lazy these days, acting in school and in the army "like they're in a rest home – discipline is lost." But in so saying he takes on an air of  doubtful resignation: "could be that this is nothing but old humbug, on account of my having been raised that way myself." The work-centered father's law has lost its grip, regardless of a man's personal ambitions and priorities.

If Metsänen speaks from the resources of market masculinity, there seem to be clear reservations concerning women's equal value and potential for professional advancement. He believes that it is "dangerous" for women to be equal with men. Metsänen says that yes, he does respect female leaders in working life, in principle, but he wouldn't like it if, "some woman would try to boss me around." Metsänen's and market masculinity's attitude of towards the question of the relationship between the genders can be put into words as follows: "I wouldn't pay any mind a woman coming to be my boss, especially a younger one, straight out of school, with long nails and... sure they're nice enough, but... my friends can have them, but not me. That much of a chauvinist I am." The changing view seen from this sort of masculinity is that the world and its structures, especially generational and gender structures, have shifted as though the viewer's perspective is irrelevant, or they have moved in the least desired direction. Change has happened, and there's nothing that can be done about it. Or he can just hope that the division of labor in places doesn't put him under a young woman. That would be too great a challenge. Still no aggressive clinging to a past (?) model of masculinity is seen in Metsänen's tale. The directness of the masculine style of narrative (also) includes its breakage points. In terms of content he seems to be saying (cf. old humbug): I am a traditional man, but life around me is from my perspective getting less recognizable or even more uncomfortable. This in itself is no problem if I can just be left in peace (followed with a touch of irony). But female leaders are not acceptable for him personally. Thus Metsänen would none too gladly work for the subject of our next case study, Sirkka Aalto.
 

Sirkka Aalto: rather clear paths


If the basic picture of women in biographical research (Vilkko 1997) stresses women's habit of piecing together bits close personal relationships and family matters of significance to themselves personally in their fragmentary tales, even when the given theme would be work (Vilkko 1997), and if this is seen as the basis of feminine narratives, then Sirkka Aalto's story just doesn't fit into this genre at all. Since Aalto stresses women's and men's equality and women's special leadership abilities, I call her an equality-woman. After Tuija Saresmaa (1998, 244) her tale can also be seen as the story of an equality-woman's life as a man, at least on the surface. My close chapter summary(13) of Aalto's interview is laconic (but in the end subject to doubt):

      Aalto is a woman who has carved out a respectable career for herself in international social service administration, an organizational activist, succeeder-accomplisher, coming from a good middle-class background in a small rural center in eastern Finland. (At the fringe of the old middle-class: father a white-collar worker, mother also college educated, which was rather rare for the war and rebuilding generation; cf. Bourdieu: capital, distinctions and habitus). Aalto has launched out into the world from the position of little sister; she is quite gifted in languages and expresses a certain internationality. The picture includes a lot of working on her career, but not a hint of burnout. What is this lightness actually? The picture painted by Matti Kortteinen of the heavy Finnish survival ethos doesn't seem to apply to this lady's story. Aalto apparently belongs to the lucky-duck fraction of her generation: success in everything, her career never going any direction but up. Adult children – successful in their studies and their own lives of course – born and raised in the middle of building her career. But what was the man's role in Aalto's family constellation? The children seem to have been just this woman's own project, regardless of all of the emphasis on joint-custody after divorce and all. Aalto is a rare exception among the interviews conducted while collecting this material: the story invokes the question, is the old humbug about Roos's old wall of happiness still and in spite of everything a viable picture of the middle-class way of presenting their lives in an interview situation? On the basis of her story, this woman has not had very many problems in her life; her divorce from her husband, for example, described as though it wasn't the slightest problem. A certain sort of  blending of work and life is also characteristic. On the other hand there are emotional descriptions of travel in the story, which the interviewee loves. Or is this problem-free progressive directness only the surface of the story (cf. Tuija Saresma's article in Kata Eskola's book 1998), the opening of which to a depth and to other levels than that of positive self-evaluation I as a man (cf. Rousseau's masculine directness) cannot read and find? The interview causes me as a researcher to consider the theoretical question, what in fact are women's studies' famous fragmentariness, mysteriousness and special character of emotion revealed in women's texts? We don't need any of Eeva Jokinen's (199*) women's language house-presuppositions here do we?

Aalto's story is a straight-forward career tale, the feeling of which can be sensed clearly in its opening: "I was born in Eastern Finland, lived there until I finished upper secondary school and from that point I have continued on with life in the capital district." If I pick one metaphor from that sentence to encompass the whole story, it would be continuing on with life. In Aalto's case directness means, for example, such features within the tale as writing off her childhood and youth (within her basic life story) by telling of progressing from elementary school to secondary school – where she makes some good observations from the perspective of the class – from upper secondary to study in a college and university, and from studies to working life. After describing her first couple of jobs and the duties she had, Sirkka Aalto goes on to the birth of her children and to the next phase: "To everyone's surprise, including my own, I decided to stay home and I really was serious about home life."

Aalto cared for her children at home for seven years and tells of thinking that, "there go all the dreams of a career."  But they didn't go, because while being a house mother she "still took care of little projects the whole time," on the basis of which her position in the professional world was preserved ("a feeling came that I hadn't lost that world which was outside of the world of the home"). At that point Aalto also completed her education on the side and through one student organizational contact she was called back into working life (in the field of management), in which a more challenging positions followed one another in Finland and abroad – from representative to division manager, from there to being department manager of the international joint-venture section, and on to being the director of an international institute within the same field. Getting up to the level of institute director went like a single thread; besides which it was the first time that she had applied for a job in competition with over a hundred other applicants.

      I had in a way surprisingly and with little fore-thought got rather far in my work, in that things always just fell into place, and I hadn't actually gone looking for any work; it was just offered to me.

There came a point in Aalto's career where she moved to a different country from her children because of her job. She put her children in an international school, which was easy since they had learned a foreign language (French) from their father. At the same time events lead in the direction of divorce from her husband, a union which can be described as a working partnership. Sirkka had done projects together with her husband, such as writing a book. The divorce seems to have been according to the "parting as friends" ideal ("we were in complete agreement"), in which the most important thing was/is agreeing on joint custody and maintaining a working relationship ("we've had exceptionally good contact the whole time"). Sirkka speaks relatively little in her basic life story about her husband and marriage; the husband is really only mentioned when Sirkka starts to describe the (trouble-free) divorce. The children also are easy cases, adjusting to transitions in their mother's career, gifted, independent, athletic, linguistically inclined and cosmopolitan young people. Sirkka Aalto took charge of the interview by sketching her life as a career and stressing how, with great effort, the department which she was running managed to get its budget into rather good shape.

      Actually there are many curves sketched here. There are rather clear paths from the perspective of a personal life and the perspective of a woman's life and some sort of perspective of career development. At the moment I feel pretty good in the sense of looking at the department's operations and relations to the outside world where finances are incredibly tight. At the moment we're in really good shape.

The basic life story of an educated woman can thus be emphatically a career tale, in which life and work are spliced together into a compact whole. This is not a (stereotypical) masculine tale of heroism in the sense that great obstacles and threats are confronted and then overcome by the magnificent victor. The non-masculinity is perhaps seen in that the ego puffing dimension of Sirkka Aalto's story is rather small. Things – a significant career – have just happened somehow furtively, somewhat to the surprise of the narrator herself, lightly. "I was always asked for and I was a bit surprised. They were really great opportunities, but really hard work, though worth it." Work is also the salt of life for Paavo Aho.
 

Paavo Aho: workshop between the ears


Paavo Aho is an educator, born in Pori in 1948 and living there still, his parents' only child, with a tax clerk for a father and a hat maker for a mother. Aho is the divorced father of one child, and since completing his university education he has always been able to do pleasant work, which has always included a creative, self-expressive element (performing, writing, organizing). Aho's story can be summarized by saying that it brings together the themes of new masculinity, perhaps within a more traditional masculinity.

Newer masculinity (cf. Badinter 1993) refers to fatherhood-centeredness in a man's life. Aho's daughter, born in 1974, is the center of his life. Aho cooks and has taken care of housekeeping routines when his daughter was little. In his own words:

      I was definitely much, much more with my kid than the normal father of a family gets to be because I could have four days off during a week, weekdays. That's certainly how we started to get so close. I've tried to steer her into those areas of life which I think are good, in other words enjoying culture, being a humanist, and darn it I've succeeded in this pressuring. She's studying languages and anthropology, which I think is a lot smarter than some technocratic world view. During her school time I gave my daughter every possibility to develop herself, sometimes too much, but I didn't want to chain her down in any way, not in the slightest. I drove her around a lot for sports and in general for anything at all that I saw as good. So in that way I tried to raise her.  And I'm proud that after the divorce she chose me; when she's in Pori she stays at my place. Maybe that says that somehow I succeeded after all.

A more traditional masculinity is found in Aho's hobbies and occupation. He is a workaholic, fanatical woodsman and hunter ("I'm not a killer, but I enjoy nature"), and socializing with his buddies shows up in his stories in many ways ("I wouldn't sell out a pal for any price in the world"). The man seems to always be in motion, doing, making and organizing. In addition to everything else, Aho is an organizational activist (Lions Club), bibliophile and participant in many civic activities.

Aho's story has a dramatic impact. Difficulties haven't got him down; on the contrary, he has drawn strength from them ("trials teach you") and they have been the starting points for a new life. Divorce after 20 years of marriage of course meant failure, but it was "the wisest option, and since then life has once again been worth living." Aho's story is like a lesson from guides to positive thinking, which warn against stopping to ruminate the old; it is wiser to set sail for new seas without hesitation. Giddens's second chance horizons are also easy to recognize in his speech. Reorganization at his work place "started a new phase of life for me, it brought my life forward." Aging and a new relationship with a girlfriend considerably younger than himself are also a challenge which fifty-year-old Aho wants to take on regardless of the fear he has (notice especially the last sentence of the following quote).

      I hope that even when I'm old I'll be able to move and get around, but I'm not worried about it; things have gone well in that regard. Even seeing buddies go from stand tall... I'm of the age group which many have been taken out of. You just have to block that out. I would think. Maybe fear is too strong a word, but when I've got a rather noticeably younger one of those so-called girlfriends these days, that I'm supposed to be able to do more with than just hold hands, and that can be a scary place. But that too gives like physical strength.

Paavo Aho has always dived into his work, because he has been able to do things that he really enjoys. He worked for the same employer from 1972 until 1994, at which point the company ran into financial difficulties, "and then they chucked out a half-dozen of the oldest, that is highest paid, and since I had the most seniority I was the first to go." Getting laid off "feels bad, really bad, for a while." Aho's interpretation of his getting through it is based entirely on the ethos of survival and his own abilities and characteristics. "I got over it real well, ‘cause a job can always be taken away from a creative person, but the work can't be, ‘cause all the time you've got it in this workshop between the ears." The creative person always has a workshop with him, between the ears. Aho started his own business – "I got to do work which was also my hobby." Nowadays he can't be anything other than satisfied, though his life "is rather meager in every sense but the personal." Work is one of Paavo Aho's "basic pillars of happiness"; it makes Aho happy to be able to do work that he enjoys "with every cell of my body." Two other elements of his happiness are friends and health, and we can conclude from other parts of the interview that his daughter and his girlfriend as well belong in this category.

Paavo Aho, a future optimist which survived corporate restructuring, expresses a rather unusual attitude. If we think of working life, Aho's story as well ties into the general connection of the major change in production structures in the Finland of the nineties, in which, among other things, efforts have been made to adapt applications of information technology to the demands of a globalized world economy. Capacities are taken apart, production and labor processes are analyzed, and as demands for professional skills among workers grow and all forms of uncertainty increase. As the pace gets faster, the working environment gets more tense, and managers, supervisors and workers get stressed and burned out (Julkunen & Nätti 1998, 257). Aho's optimism is unusual; more common it seems, for a large portion of the baby boomers would be to relate to their long and tiring working careers like the majority of the current 55-year-olds, which are already retired. A long and consuming working career using skills the demand for which is already history, with meager educational qualifications, is already a difficult basis for keeping and finding a job (Suikkanen et al 1998). If one's basic education is that from a Finnish grammar school of the fifties or sixties, it is difficult today, particularly for the long-term unemployed, to make a new start on that basis.

The main purpose of the next example is not to get into the problem of qualifications, but to give a picture for comparison – read: a non-academically educated woman – with Metsänen's and Aho's perspectives as educated men and perhaps especially to be compared with the perspective of the academically qualified woman (Aalto). The relationship between Paavo Aho's and Kari Metsänen's stories is obvious in that both have plowed obstacles and threats (unemployment) out of their paths so that they came out as winners.

Marja Viljanen: the socialization of work in the countryside


Marja Viljanen was born in 1947 in Finland's Ostrobothnia region, as the youngest of twelve children. Her father was a forestry supervisor and her mother cared for the children and the livestock. At 50 years old her mother's heath began to decline (weak heart function and blood pressure problems). Marja applied for middle school and was accepted, but she dropped out after being put on academic probation for her grades in language courses, after which she transferred to the home economics department of a vocational center. Upon graduating from this program with good marks, Marja Viljanen would have liked to leave home and apply for continuing education in Helsinki, "but mother couldn't stand to let go of me." Viljanen's story progresses relationally (cf. Vilkko 1997); she talks especially much about the lives of those close to her, often at the expense of her own personal role in the narrative, at times nearly taking herself out of the picture entirely. Hints of self-sacrifice also show up from time to time in her narrative (in relation to her ill mother, in relation to her future husband, later taken ill as well).

Marja Viljanen did not become one of her cohort's perpetual young people, but rather she went right to work after finishing her Lutheran confirmation classes at 15 years old. (In her case confirmation training was a clear and demarcating rite of passage into adulthood.) Her first job was as an home helper for a school teacher's family. According to Viljanen's tale, rural Ostrobothnian culture in the early sixties was clearly hierarchical. The young teacher ran the household where Marja toiled away as a pitifully low-paid helper.

      I cared for the children, prepared the food, cleaned and did everything, lit the fire in the oven, washed the laundry. She was quite strict, always setting out a list for me in the morning of the day's tasks which I had to get done: defrost the refrigerator, bake buns, make pancakes, cream-pancakes, just so. She was really strict, like a second time through home-ec. school. I learned to be incredibly versatile. (...) And their second child was born the following Christmas, maternity leave in those days was only a couple of months, or was it that much, so the lady wasn't on maternity leave for long. Then I had the baby and the 2 1/2-year-old to look after, so it was a lot of responsibility for a sixteen-year-old girl. This lady never did dishes herself on weekends either, and when I came in on Monday mornings there were many tubs full of dirty dishes waiting for me. Sometimes it was sort of disgusting. They had a really big apartment, with so many rooms, and I had to change all of the sheets; there was a certain order in which absolutely everything had to be done. First the blanket, then the pillow on top of that, then finally came the bedspread. The windows had to be washed; wood had to be carried in from the wood shed to the box next to the stove.

Marja Viljanen carried out her tasks without complaint. "Sure, I managed," she confirms. A particular ethos is at issue here. She tells of having learned to work hard from her "energetic" mother, whom she speaks of in a respectful and almost worshipful tone. Regardless of her illness, as a farm wife, her mother was a continuously involved in one form of work or another, even though there was a daughter-in-law living in the house, from caring for the livestock, cooking and maintaining the household to sewing and knitting ("my mother in a way taught me to work as well, with her being so hard working and all"). In an agrarian context, the socialization of work functioned in a self-evident manner. In this case Marja Viljanen is certainly relating the experiences and feelings of many of the rural born baby boomers (77 % of this age group). Weeding the garden had to be done, even when you were tired of it; children too had their regular chores:

I always had the evening dishes to wash; no matter how huge the pile was, I had to wash them. First I had to heat up the water, since we didn't have hot running water in those days. Later I had to wash laundry. Laundry day was tough. It was easier in the summer though when the rinsing could be done outside, but in the winter when we had to go out and get the water from the well it was tough. There were clotheslines over the top of the snow drifts, and first the wet laundry hung out there till it froze; then it was taken to the shed and the loft to dry.

Marja met her future husband, from a neighboring farm, at a dance when she was 16 years old. "That's where my free youth got cut off, meeting him at the first dance and getting close the second time." At 17 Marja went to a year-long course at an agricultural institute and got good grades on her certificate. In her enthusiasm she applied for continuing education at the college in a neighboring city, where she was also accepted. Problems in acquiring housing and in her romantic life ended up blocking Marja's leaving for school, however, to her great disappointment. "It just somehow came down to not finding anyone to go in with me on getting the apartment." It was also difficult to live apart from her boyfriend, who was doing farm work in the area. She ended up returning home and helping her mother around the farm, especially in the barn.

Upon getting married, Marja Viljanen moved into her husband's childhood home as a daughter-in-law. "My mother-in-law made me terribly nervous as to whether she would accept me or not, but I got a hold of things and started to settle in as a house keeper there." At the time of the birth of their first child, her husband got work as an odd job man in Helsinki, but Marja stayed with her mother-in-law for quite a while still. This was followed by the move to Helsinki, to live with her husband as tenants in an upstairs apartment in a private home. Her husband worked and got a good salary, but he was away a lot because of work. Marja took care of their child at home. The young family's standard of living rose when they took a single room co-op apartment in a large building: "Our car had it's own cassette player and we were always buying new clothes and we would go to show off a bit back in the home town: our daughter was three and we had our own apartment and our own car, and we had got ahead in life." A second child was born. Her husband dived into his work even more to support the family and started to have heart problems. They passed. A piece of land was bought for building a summer place, on which "we built a little shack."  The property and cottage were a financial burden for new residents in an apartment building. Money was tight and saving were necessary, so Marja started to work taking care of other children. The single room apartment was too small for a family of four: "I said to my husband that we can't stay in a single room for ever." So the family took out another mortgage and bought a bigger apartment. Her husband worked harder still, which involved health risks. With one child in school and the other four years old, Marja Viljanen, at 27 years old, got a job as a nurse's aide in a retirement home. This became a permanent position for her. Years later Marja got into the two-year home health care training program which she had long dreamed of, after which the city of Vantaa hired her for a position corresponding with her education.

A few years later illness began to set in. Marja developed a condition of the central nervous system, followed by cancer which was treated by radiation therapy and surgery. Marja continued working for ten years after her illness began, and finally retired in the mid-nineties. Her husband's health had also begun to decline; he was diagnosed as having asthma, and in the late eighties asbestos poisoning. First he was on a year's sick leave from work, exercised and improved his condition, but he still could not continue in his former profession. Marja's husband went into disability retirement, but he ended up in a dispute with the insurance company's doctors as to the work-relatedness of his illness. At last this was granted, and he received compensation accordingly, but only partially.

Marja Viljanen and her family were not crushed by these illnesses; they adjusted to them. "My husband got better medication, life went on, and I went on working. We bought a better car, he brought me to work and picked me up afterwards. Many years went by that way. He was home, vacuuming the house, doing the shopping, or we would do the shopping together." The cottage and fresh air in the countryside were literally life-savers, and their daughters and grandchildren became especially significant. Marja's family life was build around the cottage, which was refurbished, extended and improved on continuously, and around supporting her daughters as they became adults. The girls left home. One graduated from culinary school, got married and had two children; the other went to upper secondary school and left to study social work.

Marja Viljanen's story tells of difficulties, living with them, fighting against them in part, putting an effort into work, even slaving at it, and in the end getting by together with one's family regardless of difficulties and illnesses. This getting by is seen in terms of increasing material possessions (changing apartments, summer cottage expansions and trading cars), paying back the bank loans taken on several occasions and the success of their children (especially becoming grandparents). Marja's tale is not only the story of (hard) work, but of diligence and endurance, especially in the family context. The work ethic that she learned as a child from her mother, and the whole world view that goes with it, humble – but never humiliated – endurance of suffering has been kept alive. Her story is no forced lesson in positive thinking. Difficult illnesses have also signified the finitude of life and realization and recognition of the possibility of death even in the interview situation ("death is getting closer... I'm already in the grieving process").

Marja's husband died in the summer following this interview of complications of acute asbestos poisoning. If this is one tale of the Great Migration, then from the perspective of work it can be summarized as follows: A young couple moves to Helsinki after the husband's work and the husband later dies in middle age from work-acquired illnesses.

In the interview Marja Viljanen spoke somewhat laconically of (her) illness. This doesn't initially strike me as avoidance. Perhaps this feature is related to the ethos of survival which she expresses in her story. That ethos seems to be a fact of the chain of generations. In Marja Viljanen's life, compared to those of her mother and grandmother, there have been major changes, especially in the external conditions of life, so that we can speak here of a story of transition. But her ethos – in terms of what the principles of life are considered and in what sense, as well as what are the means, spirit and practice of realizing these principles, this relating heavily to work – seems to be very much the same as that of her mother and grandmother. Marja's grandmother had been left as a widow with a big brood of children, on account of which her mother had to "learn young how to do everything." And her mother could do everything as has been told. (Marja has plenty of sewing patterns: "My mother could do just about anything, all sorts of knitting, spinning yarn, gathering the wool and knitting socks, sewing, even underwear.") Her grandmother was strict. Marja's mother wanted to marry young to "get out from under the yoke" of her strict mother. The grandmother's life wisdom which she passed on to her daughter as she left home was a stern command: "If you're running off now at 16 after some guy then don't come back to complain about your troubles." As Marja tells it, her mother remembered this lesson and she never "went to ask from Granny." The progress of the chain of generations through time is the interplay of repetition and transition, which at times is nothing short of astounding. Marja's strict grandmother was left a widow because her husband worked as a miner and got his lungs full of the dust of the mines.
 

Education: The Division of the Baby Boomers


The life stories covered in this article reveal the fact that there is no single story of the baby boomers. On the basis of these stories it is easy to say that a certain strong work ethic, readiness to do hard labor as well, is a common cultural ingredient for this cohort, but not all have had a workshop between the ears. While Sirkka Aalto's and Paavo Aho's stories serve as a display for the academically educated portion of this age-group, Marja Viljanen's story and way of life are, by comparison, a path many degrees harder and more difficult (or a display of such). Aho, Aalto and Viljanen – cut from the first two to the third – portray the division of this age-group, the key to which is education. And education means the door to work.

The beginning of the education explosion, hit the baby boomers, but as Matti Virtanen (1998a, 214) says, contrary to common belief, baby boomers are on the average poorly educated. The educational decisions of childhood and youth divided the boomers. Those who moved south often acquired extensive educations and official positions(14); those which moved within smaller circles stayed in the countryside or small towns as basic laborers, workers and agricultural professionals, often with just an elementary or grammar school education. But there was work then, and pretty much anyone could get by and do rather well without any education in particular: two hands, simple practicality and a diligent, appropriately humble attitude were enough. One man who moved from the countryside to the city of Joensuu summarizes: "I'd say that all those of my age-group, though back then there wasn't any two-sided system of schooling success, have done so well in working life... The poorer the conditions, the further they got. That says that my age-group has well succeeded... I couldn't have imagined twenty years ago that people could have it so good" (Korhonen 1993).

Educational selections still divided the baby boomers though. The starting point of this division is almost without exception included in each of the life-stories in our research material, in an emphatic sort of way. In this decision a major charge was concealed. Titta Tuohinen's observation is valid for this material and context as well. She writes (1996, 71 & 73):

      As more and more children got in, went or were sent to secondary school, at the same time it meant the gradual growth of a new class system among the common people, dividing them in two. We became the secondary school graduates and the grammar school graduates; those performing intellectual labor and those performing manual labor. [...]  Society's new class distinctions not [...] only divided the common people in two; it also divided families. Familiar are the tales in which a permanent tension has arisen between siblings because, for instance, the elder of them were sacrificed on the altar of manual labor so that the younger at least would be able to get an education.

For one of the other women interviewed in our survey,  not being able to complete secondary school was the great explanatory factor of her life: it was the most important basic motivation for operating her own small business; for starting, running and expanding a chain of cosmetics shops. Not only for this, but for everything which she found the time for: raising children in addition to running a business, training her business's own personnel, acquiring possessions, employing her own husband, acting as the leader of the professional organization in her field – in which she had representative functions both nationally and internationally – as well as being a dynamic training leader. Unfortunate experiences of childhood with regard to the parallel systems of education has been, in this case, the incentive to show her successfulness, "even without an education".

There is also the case of the agricultural entrepreneur (Juhani among the introductions), who in his story from time to time returns to the basic fact of his life that the passing from one generation to the next simply pointed to him. The old master had decided that his son would keep the farm at the time when the boy would have been studying for secondary school entrance examinations. The son hopped on board after finishing grammar school then. His childhood playmate from the neighboring farm is now a professor in the University of Helsinki, while the narrator himself has "remained in the same position." But the farm hasn't exactly been sitting like a bump on a log –  its progress has been a success story unto itself: expansion, specialization, a parallel side-venture (in forestry machinery) and now most recently adapting to EU operating conditions. The farm he inherited from his father has gone through many changes in the structure of agriculture, with the key factor being brutally hard work, but with resourceful entrepreneuring also playing an important role. And when it comes to education, his own children have finished secondary school and have all gone on to colleges and universities.

I can't but wonder at the hierarchical nature of education which is reflected in stories like these in nearly manic proportions. The paradigm associated with educational hierarchies is that at the end of the educational pipeline a profession is waiting which in some way according to its own premises guarantees clearly better and socially more respectable work, which in turn is the key to higher status in society (cf. education's "lord lift" effect).
 

In Closing: An Ethos of Survival?


The Finns' workaholism brings to mind Matti Kortteinen's (1992) interpretations of the ethos endurance and solitary survival. The ethos of solitary survival is a cultural form which has been inherited from the agrarian society into the interpretive framework of contemporary individualized free market competition. For Kortteinen it is even a model which transcends all borders, of profession, gender and generation (Tuohinen 1996, 66). This sort of ethos of survival is a familiar feature of the speech of many baby boomers, since they have one foot solidly planted in the agrarian Finland. And agrarian Finland has been strongly the peasantry of meager conditions, not by any means a landed aristocracy, even land ownership coming to them rather late.

But what is this survival ethos? Titta Tuohinen (1996, 68-70) approaches it as individuality and comparison. Individuality has broken the old chain of command in reference to oneself; in other words it is a question of the human individual's freedom and independence in relation to others. Marja Viljanen told how her mother carefully avoided turning to her own stern mother for help. Paavo Aho, Kari Metsänen and Sirkka Aalto all seem in their individual careers to display the same odyssey of the lone mariner, albeit with noticeable differences in tone (especially in the lightness of Aalto's account). The other side of the coin of this independence is that we want to be free and individualized specifically within a community of like individuals, which accounts for the significance of the experience and feeling of comparison (Tuohinen 1996, 68). A sense of one's own value appears to be the central function of comparison, and its context is one's (own) group, clan, social environment. The powerful requirement to measure up to one's peers(15) explains the highly charged nature of school experiences – for this reason the baby boomers' division into grammar schoolers and secondary schoolers has stung so deeply. For the same reason work and employment have been for this cohort the measure of one's personal value and the means of redeeming one's own independent individuality. Besides this – since this cohort's industriousness has happened to coincide with a period of considerable increase in the Finnish GNP – together with consumer culture(16) a particular style of displaying independent individuality and/or success has developed. This is one basic reason for the baby boomers' preferred lifestyle of living in a private home – or other fully owned housing – owning a car and summer cottage, and traveling extensively. Of course those are valuable things for their owners to have unto themselves, but since they are acquired as the fruits of one's labors, they also have a communicative and social dimension to them. It wasn't in vain that Marja Viljanen told of swinging by the old home town on vacation from the city with a new car, husband and cutely dressed little daughter, "just to show the folks back home that we'd got ahead in life." The culture of consumption that broke out, paid for by workers' wages, of which the baby boomers happened to be the messengers, has also brought with it lightness, variety, body consciousness (health and age consciousness), experience seeking (the rich life: it's dull to stay stuck in one place and the same relationship all the time), new emotional structures (personal relationship boom) and world-citizenship. If this lightness (etc.) and the controlled hedonism associated with it (Lehtonen 1998) is directed towards the work ethos, the result is a considerable lightening of the latter – thus the (working) lives of Sirkka Aalto and Paavo Aho are hard to characterize simply as hard and difficult.

Individuality means taking the problems of the servant class, the landless peasants and the industrial laborers as the background of the baby boomers' life, by way of their parents and grandparents in particular. They are the basic facts of the progression of generations, regardless of how much emphasis there is on our rising out of them. Industriousness and workaholism are part of the picture in that hard physical labor was for those older generations the means of achieving and maintaining a landed status. I don't know how, in closing this article, I ended up in the post-civil war landscape of the twenties, with the liberation of the crofters, at which point a vast number of independent small farms were born; and in the late forties, when land allotments for returning combat veterans brought the number of small farms to its peak. Having combat veterans as fathers is the strong uniting factor among Finland's baby boomers which I started with though, so it makes as good a conclusion as any.
 

Footnotes:


(1) These introductory statements come from research material based on 39 narrative thematic interviews (cf. Gubrium & Holstein 1997; Hyvärinen 1994) conducted by Jonna Jussila and myself in 1997 and 1998. These interviews were part of the Baby Boomers Turn Fifty project (involving Tommi Hoikkala, Pasi Falk &  J. P. Roos). The central question of the interview was: "Tell the basic story of your life." Those interviewed were born between 1945 and 1950, with two exceptions. The research process was carried out according to the norms of qualitative incidental investigation (Hamel, Dufour & Fortin 1993). The material gathered here is simply a specimen; not a sample with statistical implications, but rather with reflexive, conversational and generalizing implications in terms of their recognizability (Hoikkala 1993).

(2) Throughout this article I have concealed the actual identities of the participants by changing their names, the place names and other means of identification. I have also somewhat condensed the conversations from the interviews.

(3) A cohort consists of those people which were born within a given time frame, in this case between 1945 and 1950.

(4) On the basis of Virtanen's mathematical key, these greatest baby boom years were followed by the moderately large cohorts of 1958-68 with an annual birth rate of approximately 80,000, after which it dropped off to approximately 60,000; the estimated number of births for 1999 being 57,000.

(5) According to Virtanen's definitions, those born in 1945 (95,000) cannot properly be included in the baby boom. In 1946 there were 106,000 births; in 1944, 79,000; in 1950, 98,000. I see no particularly clear grounds for dropping the ‘45s from this list then.

(6) Matti Virtanen's (1997, 3) suggestion for defining and analyzing common experience is to speak of joint participation in some process of change which "produces both similar and differing experiences." I myself would also refer to something seen as common and the recognizability of the process of change. All of the members of the cohort do not have to share in a given process, but the majority have to recognize it (take for example the migration from the countryside to the city, the presidency of Urho Kekkonen, the rise of youth culture or the radicalism of the sixties). The shared experience is held in common, and while the recognized experience too may be held in common, it may also be something which one has remained or been left outside of.

(7) Generational movements are movements in which the vocal minority of a given cohort commandeers the voice of its age group and starts to speak of itself and its demands as those of a generation.

(8) Matti Virtanen (1997, 3) condenses the common experiences of youth as follows: everyone has a youth, not just elite brats. I might add though: it is just longer for some than for others.

(9) In the early sixties Finland had four "Prayer Saturdays" each year, during which all amusement places (dance halls, cafés, restaurants, bars and movie theaters) were closed. At the mid point of the decade the high school students' political organization "Teiniliitto" started a protest against this amusement prohibition, after which this prohibition was soon repealed.

(10) Matti Virtanen (1997b, 3) has information that in 1980 four fifths of the upper level clerical workers and three quarters of the lower level workers of this type were "risers". Among the working class as well, less than half were born to the group, and only among agricultural workers was the majority originally from the same.

(11) Elisabeth Badinter (1995) places the revolution in fatherhood around this same period. Badinter is referring to the practice in which a man begins to consider his children and home as something significant for himself, so that he begins to carry functional responsibility for everyday aspects of home life: caring for the children, working around the house, in such a way that simply being a provider and working outside of the house is no longer seen by men (Tigerstedt 1994) and (especially) by women as a reasonable agreement and practice for the couple's relationship.

(12) This does not mean that family and children would have been emotionally distant and insignificant factors for fathers of the war generation, but it is rather a question of the division of labor between the genders as a matter of historical practice.

(13) This summary is part of my notes, which I make in the process of coming away from each interview. I call this procedure the close chapter technique or simply the close chapter (Hoikkala 1993).

(14) Virtanen refers to this group as the baby boomer generation's inner fraction of winners, yuppies and successes which have at least slipped into the educational pipeline and the (big) cities. It is descriptive of them today that in many way they hold the reins of power in society – ranging from Jorma Ollila (Chairman of the Nokia Corporation, b. 1950) to Erkki Liikanen (the finnish Commissar of EU, b. 1950) .

(15) The requirement of measuring up to one's peers has historically arisen among the rural peasantry, since the power structures denied this possibility. A large portion of the population had been held in dependent servanthood, living under the overall authority of their landlords. The rural peasantry of the Nordic region was also characterized by the fact that there were chains of command between the peasants themselves. Generally those who were able to give orders were those who owned land, which likewise has been the key to independent fully empowered citizenship (Tuohinen 1996, 69).

(16) Cf. Pasi Falk's (1994) concept of consumption as an all-encompassing key phenomenon.
 

References:


Badinter, Elisabeth: On Masculine Identity (European Perspecives). Columbia University Press 1995.

Brannon, Robert: The male sex role: our culture's blueprint of manhood and what it's done for us lately. In R. Brannon and D.David (eds.): The Forty Nine Percent Majority. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley 1976.

Giddens, Anthony: Modernity and Self-Identity – Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Cornwall: Polity Press 1991.

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Falk, Pasi: The Consuming Body. London: Sage 1994.

Hamel, Jacques (with Stepanie Dufour & Dominick Fortin): Case Study Methods – Qualitative Research Methods Series 32. New York: Sage 1993.

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DYNAMIC APPROACH, FAMILY PATTERNS AND GENDER DIVISION OF DOMESTIC LABOUR. METHODOLOGICAL AND THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS

 

 
 
 
 
 

Riitta Kyllönen
Mannheim University
Mannheim Centre for European Social Research
68131  MANNHEIM
Germany

riitta.kyllonen@mzes.uni-mannheim.de
ttriky@uta.fi
 

Draft version. Please, do not quote or reproduce any parts of this paper without
the author’s written permission.
 
 
 
 

Paper prepared for the 4th European Sociological Conference "Will Europe Work?"
18th-21st August 1999, Amsterdam
Research Network ‘Biographical Perspectives on European Societies’
 "It is necessary to emphasise vigorously that the process of representation does not describe what already exists, but produces also what it describes. Therefore, scientific research does not only refer to natural objects already given, but it produces them while describing them. ... [A]n experiment produces two things at the same time: In the first place, it establishes the relation and, second, its representation." Cooper and Law (1995, 303)
 
 

1. DIFFERENCE IN DISTAL DESIGNS*
Sexual division of domestic labour is an issue that has gained great attention in family sociology in the past couple of decades. Empirical research conducted among conjugal families in many countries shows convincingly that women still do the major part of housework even when they are increasingly present in the labour market. There has been a growing interest in understanding why men have not increased their contribution to domestic work correspondingly, especially in dual-earner families. Yet few explanatory studies have been carried out.
The vast majority of the work on gender relations in the family has been conducted in frameworks termed distal (see Cooper and Law 1995). Distal thinking privileges results, products, consequences and ‘finished’ objects of thought and action. Distal thinking is pre-concept thinking. It sees phenomena to be studied as already constituted, known and simplified – just waiting to be analysed and described. A distal agendas take for granted the nature of what they attempt to study. Concepts are used in an uncritical and unproblematic way – so that they appear as conclusions that hide the proper origins. ‘State of rest’ is perceived as a normal condition and change as something accidental. Distal approach is more concerned with results rather than the processes that generate them. It highlights boundaries and divisions, order, clarity and hierarchy. The distal world is a finished and explicit totality where the relations are reciprocally determined.
In much empirical work on the gender division of work at home, distal thought is manifest in cross-sectional designs that produce snapshot knowledge of one moment. The issue has been studied mainly as a measurable question, as a matter of time use. It has been investigated either in absolute terms (time spent by both spouses in domestic tasks), or in relative terms (men’s share of the total time spent in housework). Time use studies have measured how gender combines with a number of other differences: how time employed by men and women in domestic and paid work varies with age, number of children, employment condition, geographical area or place of residence (for Italy, see Bimbi 1995). Some information is provided on change in total hours worked at home by men and women in different occupational groups (Belloni 1995) and employment statuses (Gershuny and Sullivan 1998). As time-budget studies focus on one or two variables/dimensions at the same time, the knowledge of intra-sexual differences is available only on a very aggregate level. Moreover, studies use individuals as a unit of analysis, and are thus not able to account for possible variations between different kinds of households.
Subsequently more qualitative studies (and work combining quantitative and qualitative methods) in the field of family sociology have also been done. This research shows that beyond the matter of time use, division of domestic labour has qualitative aspects, too, such as its overall nature and the degree of gendering of specific household tasks (for example Saraceno 1980; Bimbi and Castellano 1993; Gregson and Lowe 1993).
Quantitative housework analysis, in particular, has been marked by pre-fixed meanings attached to family work by scholars since the early studies. The explicit or implicit idea underpinning much theorising and explanation has been that domestic work is an unpleasant, poorly rewarding job and done out of mere necessity. Moreover, the processes that result in women doing most family work have often been taken as given. Universal mechanisms have been claimed to account for women’s inequality, oppression, subordination and exploitation: the unequal division has been viewed as imposed by individual husbands, who may even control their wives’ level of performance (Delphy and Leonard 1992), or by the patriarchal system. As far as men participate, they have been seen as picking the best and most interesting tasks, leaving the most routine and repetitive chores to their partners (Saraceno 1980; see McRae 1986).
Such metanarratives of oppression have been increasingly criticised for conceiving of women as a unitary group. They are criticised for being too abstract and failing to account for change and difference in contemporary gender relations. Moreover, they see women as passive victims, and fail to describe their individual agency, the ways in which women themselves contribute to and contrast the production of gender relations (Pollert 1996; Elshtein; Hakim 1991) To remedy these shortcomings, frameworks that emphasise situated interaction of actors and allow for conceptualising difference and change (for example, Hakim 1991; Benjamin and Sullivan 1993) have been proposed. This need is particularly pressing when studying gender relations and attitudes of contemporary young generations, as cohort is a powerful element of differentiation of gender relations (Saraceno 1991; Pilcher 1998). Moreover, as contemporary couples operate in more than one ideological environment, difference and change need to be examined in different kinds of households (Benjamin and Sullivan 1996).
Recent qualitative and quantitative work has, indeed, started questioning the universalising explanations of gender relations in contemporary families. Some qualitative studies centring on experience have focused on analysing the meanings and signification of domestic labour directly (Fassinger 1993), and also men have been brought into the focus of family studies.
Work on wo/men’s subjective accounts of motives has, indeed, provided some alternative reasons for the gender division of family labour (McRae 1986; Bimbi and Castellano 1993). Some recent surveys, too, address experience of time in terms of perceived ‘fairness’ of the division of household labour, while time-use studies examine ‘enjoyment’ of specific domestic activities (Sullivan 1996; Gershuny and Sullivan 1998). Some attempts to explain the ‘paradox’ or ‘surprise’ finding that quite a few women appear satisfied with asymmetrical domestic arrangements have also been made (see for example, McRae 1986; Baxter and Western 1998).

‘Class effects’?
Even though class has traditionally been included in the litany of differences to be accounted for in feminist theorising, in the 1980s and in the first half of the 1990s, class was practically absent from empirical analysis (Pahl 1984; Pollert 1996; Skeggs 1997; Reay 1998), also in family studies. A lot of qualitative research, in particular, was mainly based on the category of gender, even though much work focused only on women. Much less attention has been paid to whether/how the division of domestic labour varies by class.
In contrast to some first-generation work on apportionment of work in the family (Saraceno 1980) that typically assigned the family status according to the husband’s socio-economic position even when the wife was in the labour market, recent work has focused on the interplay between class and gender by using the family as a unit of analysis. Family class location is thus assigned according to both spouses’ positions in the occupational structure. This has allowed analysis of different kinds of households: non-traditional and traditional cross-class families (McRae 1986; Barbagli 1988; Leiulfsrud 1991; Trifiletti 1994), and also different homogeneous family class locations (Wright et al. 1992 and 1997; Gregson and Lowe 1993). ‘Malestream’ research on class structure, informal labour, economy, state and civil society has become increasingly interested in women and the family. This has made the family a kind of a melting pot where the traditionally separate feminist and male strands of research cross, giving birth to new research agendas which focus on both gender and class.
Studies thus far tell somewhat controversial stories about the relationship between family class and gender in the domestic division of labour. This is certainly due to different research designs and different ways of measurement. Different tasks have been focused on (traditional fe/male tasks, child care included or excluded), and different kinds of households with regard to the presence of children, employment condition of spouses, etc. have been included. Moreover, studies often include a mix of individuals belonging to different cohorts and ethnic origins, and have been conducted in countries with differing institutional arrangements. Work on division of work in the home is cross-sectional.
The basic distinction is made between a structural approach and a processual approach to social class. The structural approach deals with class as a ‘matrix or relationally defined empty places filled by individuals’. It distinguishes between positions and people who are seen as moving between locations. The positions are defined independently of individuals’ movements in them. (Wright 1997, 492) Work using a structural approach takes a class scheme as given. The main explanatory power of class stems from ‘the way it determines the objective conditions facing different actors’, their material interests as well as the various resources actors can collectively organise in searching their material interests. (ibid., 493)
From this follows that the structural approach conceives of the possible links between ‘class location’ and gender relations at home as unidirectional and causal in nature, stemming from an individual’s position in the market place (‘class effects’). It does not provide explanations of the logic and mechanisms through which a possible association might be produced. As each class scheme is based on certain criteria (skill, authority, property, etc.), adopting a certain scheme for assigning individuals to classes carries implicitly the assumption that the criteria (or some dimension closely associated to them) generate the link between the position in the division of labour in the market and that in the family. How this might occur remains unclear.
The processual approach to social class provides alternative ways of examining the eventual links and their constitution from the subjective perspective of. It sees classes existing "only insofar as the biographies of individuals are organized in such a way that they share a set of experiences over time which define their lives in class terms". (Wright 1997, 492-493). The processual perspective to class is defined by E.P. Thompson (1968, 9 – cit. in Wright, ibid.): "Class happens when some [wo/]men, as a result of common experiences (inherited or shared), feel and articulate the identity of their interests as between themselves and as against those whose interests are different from (and usually opposed to) theirs." In this view, individuals’ positions within production may provide "one of the mechanisms that generate such a trajectory of experiences, but they are not intrinsically more important than forms of community, family structure or culture in constituting individual biographies in class terms". (Wright, ibid.)

2. PROXIMAL APPROACH
‘Proximal’ thinking (Cooper and Law 1995, 286-7; 297) differs from distal thinking, but is a complementary way of perceiving the world. In the proximal view, human and organisational states are not taken for granted, but understood as products and effects of complex social processes. Proximal thinking emphasises complicity and implication, symmetry and ambiguities. The proximal world is continuous and incomplete, precarious and partial: an open and undefined multiplicity within which the relations are reciprocally implicated. Proximal theory is concerned with details, relations, particulars, interaction between ‘inside’ and ‘outside’. The relations and objects do not exist as such but are seen as results of complex and continuous processes of organisation. The proximal agenda is interested in these processes, and in forces and actors that produce relatively stable effects.
A framework will be briefly presented for an exploratory case study, that attempts to examine three main questions as interrelated from the subjective perspective of working parents: 1) How do wo/men with different educational and occupational trajectories produce their life courses between paid employment and family?; 2) how do two partners with similar or different trajectories constitute a common family life course?; and 3) how do they negotiate the gender division of domestic labour across the family life course?
Biographical interviews were conducted, focusing on meanings, motives and power relations as an integral part of spouses’ retrospective reconstructions of all three points, and attention is paid to the intersections and calendars of family and employment careers in wo/men’s life courses. Meanings attributed to the individual spheres of life-totality (family, employment, space/time of one’s own) are examined in relation to the whole life-totality (composed of the family, paid work and time/space of one’s own) (Strandell 1984). The unit of analysis is the family (the couple), and spouses are examined in their ‘situated interaction’, in which interactional and institutional dimensions of gender are played out (Benjamin and Sullivan 1993). Difference is examined as an ‘ongoing interactional accomplishment’ (West and Fenstermaker 1995). The aim is to grasp the different mechanisms and processes in which spouses negotiate diverse family organisations departing from their individual objectives and values, and the opportunities and constrictions they face.
Ten dual-earner couples living in the Italian city of Modena were interviewed. Both partners work full-time, or did so at least initially. Full-time employment has traditionally been typical of both Italian men and women. The couples represent different educational and occupational trajectories and have minor children living at home. The region of Emilia-Romagna is in many ways unique with regard to gender relations (gender contract). In the Italian context, characterised by vast territorial differences in socio-economic and politico-cultural development (Bagnasco 1977; Mingione 1990), the ‘Emilian model’ emerges as a combination of higher female participation and a developed model of a local welfare state. While Italy has low female labour force participation rates on the national level, in the central urban axis of the Emilia-Romagna region, 77% of women in the labour force were employed in the official labour market in 1991 (Regione Emilia-Romagna 1992, 26-27). The national welfare provisions (paid maternity and parental leaves) and, in particular, the local welfare state (public child care services) have contributed to defining this new model of gender relations by enabling women to continue working in the labour market even when they get married and have (a) child(ren). The labour market, in turn, offers jobs to women in welfare and other services.
The research focuses on the relatively young cohorts: 19 out of 20 spouses interviewed were born in the 1950s and 1960s. The eldest women interviewed were the first ones to adhere to the continuity model in the labour market (Zanuso 1987, 55; Saraceno 1991), but for the younger ones the continuity model of the ‘double presence’ is already a normal life strategy. Therefore, these relatively young couples, where women are economically independent, represent an appropriate group for examining change and difference in gender relations at home. The cohorts studied still belong to those who found permanent employment in the market, even though the 1992-3 crisis (Reyneri 1995) had also hit some of the spouses examined.

 3. INSIGHTS TO DIFFERENCE IN PROXIMAL APPROACH
The stories we tell about the linkages between gender and class in the division of labour in the family are shaped by the paradigms that guide our inquiries. Paradigms direct our attention away from certain phenomena and toward others. (cf. Barnett 1997) What kinds of insights does the shift to a biographical study in the framework delineated above give about family patterns and difference in the gender division of work in the home?

1. Constructing life courses between paid work and family
Biographical analysis of how the spouses constitute and interpret their life course (Gubrium et al. 1994) between paid work and family, makes it possible to examine empirically the different ways in which family acts as a site where the positions of individual family members in the labour market, including the prospects of social mobility (Thompson 1997), are negotiated. Thus the family is not only a place where family organisation and gender relations are produced, but also a unit of social class and stratification (Delphy and Leonard 1986; Bertaux and Thompson 1997).
A distinction is made between the two main family constellations within which spouses have lived and how they are linked in the structure of institutional opportunities to produce the individual biographies between family and paid work: 1) the family of origin, on the one hand, and 2) the family wo/men found by themselves, on the other. With regard to the family of origin (and thus before planning a union with the future partner) the question is asked, how do wo/men living in families with different resources (cultural, social and economic capital) and cultures reproduce in their own biographies the social position of the family where they grew up, or move upwards (or downwards) in the occupational hierarchy.  When subsequently planning their own family, both partners have already made crucial choices concerning their educational and occupational careers. They can, however, reconsider the choices made so far to some extent: whether to maintain their occupational position, to move ahead in the occupational hierarchy while already in the union, or to renounce career ambitions for a so-called ‘marriage career’. Different gendered (class) career paths before and after union can be discerned among the wo/men’s interviews at an individual level (even though they are bargained within the couple relationship): a ‘mommy track’ and a ‘career track’ for women; a ‘daddy track’ and two different pathways to a ‘career track’ for men, based on differences in cultural capital. As Bertaux and Thompson (1997, 9) say, there are different reasons for individual mobility (and non-mobility), but also different routes for occupational mobility, with regard to the position and conditions of departure. The main career paths discerned differ for both of the following dimensions: 1) the ways wo/men establish calendars and intersections between different careers (family, education and work) over their life course; and 2) the meanings they assign to the spheres of family and work.
The various definitions (variants) of individual life-totalities that emerge from the analysis at any given moment are marked by different weights, volumes and relations (cf. Bourdieu 1995) of the spheres that make the whole. Analysing the continuities and ruptures in the ways wo/men constitute their life-totalities over their life course (intersections and timing of different careers) allows us to understand how they establish work and home orientation (or a balance between them) in a process that may go in two directions: on the one hand, job characteristics shape the place that family occupies in an individual’s life-totality, shaping also the ideal timing of the reproductive career; on the other hand, ideal and effective timing of family calendars shapes the position an individual establishes in the labour market. The two-way linkages appear clearly in the women’s biographies, but are present also in many men’s trajectories, though in different ways.
Changes in family and work careers may occur for both endogenous and exogenous reasons, be either deliberately chosen or occur unexpectedly, like the arrival of an unplanned baby or reorganising work of the enterprise. In all these cases individuals re-elaborate meanings that they assign to the single spheres of their life-totality, re-negotiating the orientation between family and work and time/space for oneself.
Cases show that individuals tend to be work-orientated (in contrast to family orientated) insofar as they can find personal fulfilment in their jobs, in other words, to the extent they can establish their job as their major life project. If this is not possible, wo/men detach themselves from work and orientate themselves more towards family, seeking self-realisation within it or in personal interests. (Kyllönen 1999)

2. Organising family – Insights to difference
From the start of the union, both partners’ life courses are bargained within the couple relationship into a common family and reproductive career that may accommodate the spouses’ interests and claims differently and to a varying (gendered) extent. The different divisions of labour in the home (more or less symmetrical or asymmetrical) emerging from the analysis result from diverse combinations of male and female class trajectories (see above, ‘tracks’). The aim of the empirical analysis is not to make general statements about a larger population, but to identify and describe how the different gendered individual biographies and dispositions of two spouses are negotiated in diverse family configurations across the life course. The focus is on the paths and on the logic that could explain the observed variety in the gender division of family labour.
Which kinds of empirical and conceptual insights does the analysis of couples’ case histories give on the issue of difference in the division of family labour?

Meanings in flux
The categories ‘family’, ‘work’ and ‘domestic labour’ have no fixed meanings, rather spouses embedded in different situations with divergent biographies assign a variety of meanings to them (cf. Harding 1986). Individuals with different trajectories in social space organise their life-totalities differently, assigning divergent meanings to the life spheres and family roles. When narrating their families and gender division of labour within it, they talk about qualitatively dissimilar things. Analysis of meanings and power relations between spouses who have similar or different family orientations and dispositions toward domestic work shows that the question of the division of family labour is not simply a quantitative issue, nor a question of the degree of gendering of specific tasks. Significant differences between the couples can be discerned by the dynamics through which they bargain the division across the family life course. Differences in outcomes can be better accounted for if we study them in relation to the diverse processes within which they are negotiated. (Kyllönen, ibid.) Examining family organisation as a verb, through the processes in which it is established (not as a noun), an attempt is made to explain the whys of the different ways to share labour in the families examined.

Family life styles – defining standards
As domestic work acquires different meanings in different individuals, housework does not appear as a fixed set of tasks across families, but the total range of chores and the amount of household labour varies (cf. Benjamin and Sullivan 1996). Diverse family cultures are established among couples with distinct biographies and orientations between waged work and family. Needs, priorities and relations (Saraceno 1989) and standards of housework Pahl 1984) are defined in different ways, as are the meanings assigned to housework, as seen above. Different family life styles can be discerned.

Female determination in family organisation
In the analysis of biographical interviews, family organisation and the constitution of both spouses’ trajectories in the labour market come into view as two inherently interdependent dimensions of one single process. Women’s biographies and orientation between waged work and family appear as more determinant of different family and reproduction calendars when pregnancy is planned. (Kyllönen 1996) Among the couples examined, women’s different biographical orientations between work and family and disposition to housework (rather than those of men) appear as more constituent for the processes through which family work is shared between the spouses, and for the degree of the symmetry established in the division, too.

Class, gender and other axes of differentiation
In Bourdieu’s (1983; 1990; 1995) thinking social space is a fundamental principle of differentiation, and habitus its propelling power. What can be said about ‘difference’ in the division of domestic labour and social space on the basis of the cases studied?
The apparent impression obtained is that individuals’ work or home orientation tends to be associated to work conditions (and thus, to certain positions in the labour market). Working class (unskilled) men and women examined who had stable positions, construct their life-totality as home orientated, but this happens in gendered ways. As their jobs are not able to serve as their major life project,. they establish family as the domain around which they build their identity and from which they get fulfilment. Both parenthood and material domestic management appear central to their definition of family. By contrast, career men and women examined build their life-totalities as more work orientated or balanced between home and work. Consequently, family acquires a different meaning in their life-totality: the emphasis is on the emotional spousal and parental relationships. Both spouses consider domestic labour as a necessity, not important for the meaning they assign to the family. (Kyllönen 1999)
Studies on cross-class families demonstrate that the use the conjugal family as the unit of analysis makes the class structure appear more fluid and less polarised. In many non-traditional cross-class families gender relations tend to be more symmetrical (McRae 1986, Leiulfsrud 1991), while in traditional cross-class families asymmetrical patterns prevail. The increasing number of cross-class families is supposed to make the class society more familiar and ambiguous. The space of family organisations gets more varied and multifaceted, and cross-class families often bear characteristics of two cultures. (Leiulfsrud, ibid.) The cases examined are basically in line with these observations. The non-traditional couples falling in the midst of homogeneous middle-class families and homogeneous working-class families, combine characteristics of both surrounding configurations. Yet, the cross-sectional picture of family organisations does not follow any perfect family class pattern.
When exploring the different couples’ dynamics, the time-space of family configurations appears even more fluid and the complexity increases. Seen from the life course perspective, the boundaries between different family organisations are increasingly blurred. Some couples seem to fluctuate along a continuum between configurations with more asymmetrical and more symmetrical gender relations over time. Their gender relations may assume characteristics of another model, coming closer to it or converging with it at a certain point in time. Such changes in family organisation are often associated with job (class) mobility or changes in working conditions. But an individual’s movement in social space does not always have an impact on gender relations in the family. (Kyllönen 1999)
Thus, the connection between job mobility and gender relations is neither linear nor mechanistic. Empirical analysis of the ways by which individuals with different trajectories in social space establish the connections between working conditions, home/work orientation and disposition to housework helps to explain why we cannot expect to have any clear-cut patterns of gender relations across family classes among the young cohorts examined. On the other hand, it shows that individuals who move across social space (job and class mobility) do re-define their work/family orientation and/or disposition to housework as a result of changed experience of their working conditions. This happens in a plurality of ways and not necessarily in reference to the individual’s current position. The gendered ways in which the disposition to domestic work is elaborated can be better understood if examined as embedded in one’s entire life trajectory, both past experiences and future aspirations and plans (cf. Brown 1982; Bourdieu 1990; Wright 1997). Moreover, changed dispositions of one spouse have to be accommodated within the dispositions of the partner in a couple relationship, where other factors, such as both partners’ working schedules, may either facilitate the change or make it less probable. Empirical analysis of couples’ case histories helps us to grasp the complex ways in which different couples negotiate their gender relations in such unstable frames of reference.
 

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Biographical Constructions of a Working Woman:  The Changing Faces of Alva Myrdal


Paper given to the ESA Conference in Amsterdam, 1999.
E. Stina Lyon, South Bank University, London.
 

Introduction

 

 
 

For several generations of European women this century Alva Myrdal has stood out as an icon in the progress of women towards greater equality with men in all spheres of public life.  Through her writings and in her distinguished international career as social scientist, educator, politician, social reformer, ambassador and disarmament negotiator, she became an important contributor to developing conceptions of  ‘modern’ womanhood.  During the 1930s and 40s, in partnership with her economist husband Gunnar, she drew up blue prints for a family and woman friendly welfare state which became, and remain, influential well beyond Sweden itself (See Eyerman, 1985, Olsson, S.E., 1990).    Amongst sociologists, she is probably best known outside Sweden for her book Nation and Family, published in the US during the Second World War (1941), and the later work on Women’s Two Roles, written with Viola Klein and published during the 1950’s  (1968, first published 1956). The latter has often been seen as one of the books that put feminism back on the political agenda for women of the post-war generation.  Her marriage and intellectual partnership with Gunnar lasted and stayed close for over sixty years, despite the fact that relations often had to be maintained by letter and across continents.  They both received a Nobel prize, the only couple to do so for contributions in separate fields, Gunnar for economics and Alva for her contribution to peace and European disarmament.  She brought up three children, with little help from her equally politically active and intellectually productive husband, and despite self-imposed work demands she unsuccessfully tried to have more.  In her domestic life style, she was a ‘modernist’ innovator and trend-setter in many areas, ranging from child rearing and toy making to architecture and interior design.  She raised the aspirations of many of her contemporaries about what modern and emancipated women should and could achieve both at work and in the home (See Bok, 1987 and Jackson, 1990 for chronological accounts of Alva’s life.)

But behind what looks like an ideologically coherent façade of successful public performance and effective personal practice, lay a private life steeped in the contradictions and conflicts of  ‘modernity’ itself .  Alva’s writings, as well as her own life, was shaped by tensions in the notion of progressive modernity between on the one hand the search for order, rationality and collective control in social life, and on the other the growing demands for equal human rights and the freedom from domination (See Nilsson, 1994, Wagner,  1994).  With the hindsight of history, her contributions to public life have over the last decades become the subject of a great deal of retrospective critical evaluation,  intellectually by social theorists in search for the complex origins ‘modernity’, as well as personally in various biographical writings by her own children and others (See Nilsson, 1994, Hirdman, 1995, Myrdal, J., 1982, 1984, 1994, Bok, 1987, Folster, 1992).  These biographical evaluations have in different ways tried to address the relationship in her own life between high personal professional and intellectual ambitions and the domestic performance as wife and mother, and with this the perceived gap between the rational and ordered control of social life she preached for others and what she herself was able to achieve underneath a public front of  fame and success.  In much of this, the ‘dual role’ of women has for Alva in retrospect come to mean ‘dual exposure’.

This paper offers a discussion of the various ‘constructions’ of Alva presented in some of the biographically relevant material written by members of the Myrdal family itself.  Neither Alva nor her husband wrote autobiographies, their time was too occupied with the problems of ‘the world’ and the immediate political tasks at hand.  Their writings were however often steeped in reflections based on personal experiences of a shared life trajectory that took them from relatively humble and traditional rural circumstances to academic elite status and world fame.  Uniquely, all of their children have written autobiographical memoirs of life in the Myrdal family, each from their own perspective and in intellectual and emotional exchange with each other and their parents.   This paper will focus on these different pictures of Alva as a case study of the complex issues inherent in the use of biographical writing as a tool for understanding the experiences and social conditions of women.  From within a feminist perspective, the paper will attempt to show the extent to which judgements of the public contribution of women continue to be framed by socially and intellectually shifting conceptions of their role in the public domain. As Alva herself made a major sociological contribution to the conception of working women’s lives as a complex ‘duality’ of roles, a selection of her own published thoughts will form part of the framework for the discussion.  As statements of ‘lived experience’ each of these ‘stories’ about Alva is equally valid, yet each is placed within a selective and partial context of moral and intellectual assumptions about what a woman’s role should be as wife, mother, role model and responsible adult.  The many ‘faces’ of Alva presented in these family accounts point to the difficulties inherent in trying to understand ‘a life’ through the use of biographical material and to the need for theoretical awareness of the origin and location of such writings in different intellectual, political, temporal and personal space.
 
 

Biography and Sociology

 

 

Biographical material has always been seen as an important resource for sociologists in search of the relationship between the ‘stories’ of lived experience and the patterns of structural social change.   It is the material through which ‘the social’, as constructed by theoretically formal categories of collective life, is given human meaning and through which notions of individual subjectivity and action are kept at the heart of sociological understandings. It can illustrate the general with the particular by making more vivid the relationship between individual praxis and structural historical change with its accompanying social and cultural transformations (See Bertaux, 1981, Merton, 1988).  Whether presented by a ‘self’ or by ‘others’, as Erben notes, individual biography can do this from different ends of status and power hierarchies ‘in its intriguing spiralling journey between the unique experience of the individual and the general experience of groups’ (1993: 23).  In feminist sociology, biographical methods of inquiry have come to be seen as especially important in attempts to lay bare the day to day ‘problematics’ of the ‘hidden’ domestic lives of women and their lived experiences in public domains controlled by agendas not of their own making.  But the use of biographical stories as evidence of private lives and experiences has also been seen to raise serious methodological dilemmas. Given that the verbal process of encapsulating a ‘life’, or a set of experiences within someone’s life, is inherently both selective and interpretative, how a ‘life’ is written about, and who does the writing, has in itself become an important subject matter for sociological inquiry.  As Stanley argues, there are epistemological grounds for a sociological interest in the use of biographical material in that such ‘evidence’ needs, at least partly, to be understood as a social product of the shifting contexts of textual production itself (1993).  This has raised particular issues for the use and interpretation of biographical material about women, representations of whom are often framed within a discourse designed to explain the experiences of men both in sociology and other intellectual domains.

Biographical accounts are socially contexted in a variety of ways with respect to both time and social space.  First, as Nowotny reminds us, time is a sociological as well as a chronological entity creating tensions between ‘internal’ experienced time and ‘external’, given time. Social time runs through a life and perceived ‘time scales range from mythical time of the “once upon a time” to the immediately perceptible present’ (1994: 17).  ‘As it was’ may be reflected in an isolated moment or in more exhaustive biographical retrospective descriptions.  It matters when in a life such reflections are made.  Individuals,  as biographical subjects as well as writers, go through the ‘life cycle’ of ageing and the learning processes that go with it, as well as the material and status change that accompanies economic cycles and shifting opportunities for upwards or downwards social mobility.  The temptation to be ‘chronocentric’ in the interpretations and evaluations of past actions and reasoning is as strong for readers of biography as for its writers.  Secondly, though much biography is about individuals, life experiences take place in group contexts.  The biographical  ‘stories’ of collective social mobility presented in the works of Bertaux and Thompson show the importance of  the family context in defining the nature and interpretation of tales about ‘the self’ (1997).  Thirdly, the significance of gender perspectives in biographical writings and their interpretations has been well documented.  Feminist sociologists has persistently emphasised that all knowledge and ideas needs to be re-evaluated as the products of persisting and powerful patriarchal structures that continue to undervalue the contributions of women both in the private and the public sphere (See Smith, 1987, Stanley, 1992,1993).

As ‘texts’, biographical material is located within changing intellectual space more or less explicitly articulated in terms of concepts and theories about what makes for acceptable and believable human motives and actions.  As Stanley argues, in biographical stories the act of writing presupposes an ‘audience’, where the ‘self-who-was’ is an object of attempted reconstruction by the ‘self-who-writes’ for the purposes of making a case  (1993: 48).  Biographical narratives may also, as Kohli notes, display different structures and functions in for example the degree of reference to chronological descriptions of past events or the degree of evaluations offered about the meaning of events, now or at the time of happening, to the writing subject  (1981).  In a story where the self is at the centre of the experiences described, the interpretations of ‘others’ are also directed to an audience, albeit en passant, be this to sociologists, politicians, or the public at large. Such ‘directive’ purposes may not always be explicit, or indeed capable of being made explicit.  Theoretical dichotomies such as ‘the personal’ and  ‘the political’, the ‘private’ and ‘the public’, are in themselves intellectual conventions in terms of which the gendered relationship between social structure and social agency have come to been characterised in sociology.  Yet, such conventions are also socially constructed relative to time and place and subject to periodic reflexive re-conceptualisation (See Morris and Lyon, 1996).  In her own writings on women and work, Alva herself contributed to this conceptualisation in her explications of the ‘dual’ role of modern women.  In the segmentation of  life into separate spheres, and in giving more space in writing about women to the ‘personal’, ‘intimate’ and ‘domestic’, there is also, as Alva herself noted, an implied invitation to evaluate and judge the performance of women on a different and wider set of criteria than those applied to men.  Finally, we need to add to this list of interpretational contexts also the notion of literary ‘genres’, what Evans terms ‘the codes and subjects’ of biography itself  (1993: 42).  These have changed over recent decades towards increasing explicitness about intimate personal details.  As Evans argues, when a public figure was a public figure, and regarded as only that, the proper form of assessment was the public actions of that person.  Now, when readers know more ‘they are faced with complex issues about assessing public works in terms not just of the agreed evaluative criteria (a ‘good’ book, a ‘fine’ painting and so on) but also in terms of the relationship of that work to the subject’ (1993: 8).  The complexities of the relationship between lived praxis and self-professed aims and aspirations are increasingly laid bare for all to see with ethical implications for both writers using biographical or autobiographical materials, and for those put in the public domain by being written about (Harrison and Lyon, 1933).  Such ethical issues are not to be taken lightly, given the power of public statements about private lives to destroy reputations and ruin lives, and need themselves to be understood in the context of prevailing gender moralities.

Biographical material can thus be seen to be sociologically read in different ways, as a ‘resource’ of evidence to tell us something about a ‘life out there’ and how it progressed,   or as a topic of investigation in its own right, as interpreted ‘versions’ of events understood  from particular stand points at particular times, in Stanley’s words as ‘parallel’ rather than ‘replacement’ accounts of situations described (1993:42). In what follows, there is no attempt to search for a ‘true’ version of events in Alva’s family life.  In the second mode of using biographical material, as socially located interpretations, there is no place for ‘adjudication’ between different versions of events, and none will here be attempted.  It is the viewpoint that counts here and the framework within which it is constructed, not its validity or truth.  We may be pulled in different directions by the different biographical constructions of Alva with little hope of coming to a definitive conclusion about who she was and what she did.  As Stanley writes, we may be ‘textually persuaded, cajoled, led and misled’ by the personal narratives discussed above.  But in reading about her ‘we can, and we do, also scrutinise and analyse, puzzle and ponder, resist and reject’ (1992: 131).   1)
 

Dilemmas of Modern Womanhood according to Alva


In her sociological writings on the position of women in modern society, Alva herself over a period of time grappled at great length with the complexities of the relationship between the public and the private domain.  In so doing, she placed herself in the position of expert and advisor on domestic problems shared by many others and thereby made her own home life a subject for debate amongst admirers and critics alike.  The main theme at the core of these writing is that of the significance, and ultimate inevitability, of paid work as the key to women’s emancipation.  But the perspective on the consequences of this changed over time, as did the proposed ‘rational’ and ‘efficient’ solutions to ensuing domestic dilemmas. The nature of these tensions were first spelled out in Alva’s and Gunnar’s joint call for family friendly welfare reforms first published in 1934, the year in which their second child was born (1934).  Its title Kris I befolkningsfragan, which in translation reads ‘population crisis’, was aimed to draw attention to a general popular fear of continuing population decline and thus rally support for family welfare reforms. Unlike much other literature on the problems of the ‘industrialised’ family at the time, the book presented a strong plea for women’s economic emancipation as part of the solution of the problem. The book was written after the Myrdals’ first study visit to the US in 1929, when they for a period had left their two-year old son behind with relatives to travel widely in search for new ideas and new academic contacts.  They were both inspired by theoretical developments in US interactionist sociology at the time, and devoted much space in the book to changes in the ‘modern’ family.  With industrialisation and the location of economic production outside the home, they argued, the institution of the family had come to loose much of its rationale as a ‘working unit’ with many of its traditionally shared productive functions handed over to outside agencies, employers and the state.    The process of urbanisation, which had accompanied rapid industrial growth, had further led to family ‘dissolution’ through the growing isolation between individual ‘miniature families’.  New labour market realities necessitated increased economic ‘individualism’ and self-centredness for male wage earners, which in turn undermined the collective needs of families and communities and thereby the economic independence and autonomy of women as equals.  As a result, women and children had increasingly become subject to the ‘blatant patriarchal financial power of men’ (1934: 189).  Growing inequalities in living standards across class had also come to exacerbate conflicting gender relations in the home.  The family was increasingly little more than a unit for consumption, with the economic burden of family income generation increasingly placed solely on the man, thereby strengthening his patriarchal power in the home.  For women this had led to strong economic tensions in the home, which were fuelled by the newly won rights of political citizenship (1934: 352).

Poor and unequal educational opportunities added to such tensions and made women unable to help themselves.  The poverty and destitution of both rural and urban working class women was in this book vividly described with passion and anger.  But the picture Alva and Gunnar gave of the lives of isolated housewives, whatever their class, is not a flattering one, with the purposeless married woman ‘deprived of her functions in productive life and shut up in her miniature flat where she often becomes fat, lazy and egotistical’.  Of all the problems such lonely women faced  ‘the most tragic is that they have not even striven for improving their own professional domain through learning and knowledge about housework and child rearing’ (1934: 189).  Women without access to up-to-date knowledge could not be expected to prepare children satisfactorily for independent working life, nor be a worthwhile partner and ‘comrade’ in a modern marriage of equals.  This was seen as especially problematic in a rapidly changing and socially mobile society where the socialisation of children could no longer rely on outmoded traditionalism. The family was increasingly ‘a forum for discord between the old and the new’ (1934: 348).  The preparation of children for greater independence, autonomy and mobility in the labour market was not a task for which uneducated, housebound and inactive women, in danger of overprotecting their children, were well prepared (1934: 357-360).  Women were seen to have a great deal to learn from the more informed and efficient male sphere of work.  Household chores could be made more effective through the use of modern technology and child rearing more knowledge based and professional, thereby also raising the status of women’s work in the eyes of the world.  With children the human capital of the future, the study of their development demanded an equally serious and scientific approach to that of other aspects of production.  Thus, women’s role as mothers as well as their need for education and economic independence was seen as in need of policy support.  New style ‘afternoon families’ with adults working outside the home needed collectivised childcare and housing, better schooling and better training in how to care for children and the home.   ‘If women are to be socially and economically equal with men, it must be in ways which take necessary cognisance of women’s different position in society as mothers of future generations, not through seeking “a tout prix” an absolute and identical similarity between the sexes’ (1934: 377).

A few years later, in her book  Nation and Family,  Alva outlined for an American audience the main tenets of the family oriented welfare proposals discussed in her and Gunnar’s by now famous book, and it gave a report on the progress of policy implementation in Sweden since the Social Democratic Party had come to power (1941).  This book was published in connection with a further visit to the US, where on Gunnar’s insistence and in the midst of war and she had joined him, this time faced with leaving her by then three quite small children behind.  Here Alva gave one of her chapters the title: ‘One sex a social problem’.  She again emphasised the disharmony in the relation between marriage and gainful employment as the core of many women’s problem in comparison to men.  But to the inequality of economic power between men and women she now added a further dimension:  ‘the most profound curse of every woman’s life is the uncertainty of her life plan’ (1941: 421).  The contradictions inherent in the roles of wife, homemaker, worker are unevenly distributed across time creating different tensions and demands depending on the age and the size of the family.  She here reiterated the plea for greater ‘rationality’ in the relationship between work and home and for state supported collective solutions to the practicalities of managing the complex relationship between work and home.  Her list of suggestions is long: the pooling of housework, co-operative nurseries and shops, organisations of housewives, and more women professionals teaching other women how better to manage their lives.  But she showed less optimism here than in her earlier work with Gunnar, and states that ‘the practical difficulties are so numerous, however, that there will probably be a long transitional period...’(1941: 425).

In her later work on women, written in collaboration with Viola Klein and first published in 1956, the problems, as well as promises, inherent in women’s different life cycle are brought fully to the fore (1968; first published in 1956).  Women’s Two Roles was in production when Alva for the first time had held full-time employment in major posts with the UN and UNESCO after leaving the family home in the late 1940s.   Her children, the two youngest of which she had then left behind as teenagers to the largely unsatisfactory care of Gunnar and a housekeeper, were by now grown up.  She had herself for seven years lived separated from Gunnar after a difficult period of no work, married loneliness and domestic conflict.    In this book the problems facing women and their life choices were presented in even starker terms.   We are offered a great deal of empirical evidence to show that women’s entry to the labour market, both for married and unmarried ones, continued unabated during the twenty years following her first contribution to these debates.  But prejudices amongst employers and the public at large against working women still remained, and the demands on women’s performance in the domestic sphere had even become strengthened.  The ‘cleavage between the two worlds of work and home is, for the majority of people, more complete today than it ever was in the past’ (1968: 27).  Two contradictory ideals of women’s domestic roles were still seen as holding sway:  '‘here are on the one hand the domestic virtues with the fragrance of freshly made bread everyday, together with the statistics showing a fourteen- to sixteen-hour working day.  But there are also the costly cults of the lily-white hands, of lavish entertaining, and of changing one’s fashionable clothes oftener and oftener – the much advertised dreams of all that goes with being “well provided for” once one is married’ (1968: 5).   The earlier expressed faith in the power of labour saving devices in the home is here proved unfounded by research evidence which showed the ever-increasing expectations on household and personal standards, and the limitless expandability of ‘household drudgery’ (1968: 37). ‘While on the one hand more and more gadgets are offered to save time and labour, more and more time-consuming beauty treatments are recommended to keep in control a feminine figure which shows the effects of too little exercise and too much leisure’ (1968: 6). The difference in attitudes and consciousness between women of different classes was also here noted as an issue. Whereas women doing routine low-paid work in factories and offices looked towards matrimony as a blessed relief, educated middle class women giving up work for domestic duties were left feeling frustrated and bored.  But the family and its needs could not be written off, and there is a tone of maternal defensiveness in the book.  ‘Even to the most ardent feminist it is clear to-day that work is no end in itself and that the past over-emphasis on careers at the expense of marriage and family has done great damage to the women’s cause’ (1968: 10).  Women need to be in both domains both for themselves and for the sake of the family collective.

The solution to women’s labour market participation lay in the timing of women’s reproductive life cycle. With increased longevity, women were in fact increasingly having two lives, one with and one without children.  There need be no threat to husbands, children and the family, and no conflicts for women if the right and need to work was exercised when children were no longer maternally dependent.  A full chapter of the book was devoted to the effects on children of mothers’ working, both positive and negative, and to varieties of evidence, on the whole inconclusive, about when in a teenager’s life this point has been reached. In later adolescence the latent conflict between the children’s need for independence and their mother’s urge to expect compensation for their single minded devotion to them often comes to a head and ‘terrible crises may then shake supposedly harmonious homes’ (1968: 134).   The preparation for work in later life was seen to have the added bonus of saving marriages at risk. ‘It can not be healthy to join together in life long partnership two human beings whose lives run at an unequal pace with interests far apart’ (1968: 27).  There is little optimism here about what lays ahead for women, and a distinct bitterness and sense of unfairness about why questions concerning women’s work should be asked at all. ‘If men were asked why they work, the great majority would no doubt answer that they have to support themselves and their families.  Nobody would pity them for it.  It is taken for granted that this should be so...Their personal problem is to adjust themselves as well as possible to this given situation’ (1968: 88).   Though the most important avenue available to women in the search for freedom from male patriarchal domination continued to be the labour market, the social consequences associated with the growth of work for women remained unsolved.  Given women’s traditional role as mother and housekeepers, there was a continuing need for a great deal of technical, educational and social policy attention both by women themselves and by the state, to facilitate the growing number of tasks expected of women. Women professionals as part of ‘the elite’ had an important role to play in this, in creating patterns later adopted by the community at large and ‘by their successes and failures the outcome of women’s emancipation will be judged’ (1968: 150).  But, as many later feminist have noted, including her own daughters, there is little in any of this about the need for men to change as husbands and fathers to accommodate the needs of women and children, and a very pessimistic view of their capacity to change at all.  However supportive individual men may be the overarching view expressed was that change was that change depended on the collective strength and enthusiasm of women themselves, much in evidence in these writings.  Her own relationship with her husband, however ardent in his theoretical support for feminism, provided every reason for her to think so.
 
 

Wife and Intellectual Partner

Gunnar’s Story

 

 

Whereas Alva’s professional concerns were located in the domestic sphere, and her professional writings on women and families often a ‘theoretisation’ of personal realities, Gunnar’s personal reflections are to be found in footnotes and occasional ‘memories’ mostly relating to his own intellectual development and influences (Applequist and Andersson, 1998).  In his occasional written references to Alva, she is a woman on a pedestal, both as an intellectual equal and as a personal mentor and supporter. He was deeply in love with her, both physically and intellectually, and took public pride in her good looks and feminine appearance and sense of style. As  Gunnar’s American biographer Jackson writes, when they arrived again in the US in 1938, at the height of their fame as academics and Swedish welfare reformers, they made a fascinating pair with Alva, at thirty-six, ‘a striking blond, fashionably dressed, quietly self-confident with a direct gaze and serious demeanour, always polite and seldom at a loss for words’ (1990: 88).  His devotion to her was life long, even if in action not always constant.  In a joint interview of them both in old age by an American magazine, he noted, after sixty years of marriage, that people ‘don’t realise the great happiness there is in living and to be very old and together all the time.  The older we get the closer we are’. When asked about his hobbies, he declared ‘Alva is my hobby’.  ‘I have never believed in God’ he remarked to a friend ‘but there must be a God, or Alva would not have come to me’ (Jackson, 1990: 361).  He publicly acknowledged his sense of dependence on her.  When he made important decisions affecting his career, he presented Alva as the leading influence.  In a brief autobiographical newspaper article in 1943, part of a series on leading Swedes of the time, Gunnar holds her responsible for his decision to take up the study of economics instead of law,  a subject which he found stifling, unrewarding and ‘without horizons’.  He wrote that  ‘my wife, who already then had been with me for many years, had figured out that I ought to become an economist instead.  During the summer of 1923 [the year before they married] she dragged home heavy tomes from the library and set me to work’ (Applequist and Andersson, 1998: 34).  He also attributed his ‘moral’ development to her.  The shift in his own writings from ‘cold technological curiosity about society’ to more practical concerns about how life could be made better for all, was caused partly, he argued,  by the ‘strong and persistent influence of my wife, who on purely objective grounds has much more original goodness in her than I’ (ibid).   Alva also played a significant role in their joint decision in the early thirties to work for the Social Democratic Party elite in furthering radical economic and social change.  Whereas Gunnar’s own political family background lay in liberalism, Alva’s upbringing was more inspired by egalitarian and socialist political movements of the time, movements which put as high a premium on ‘moral goodness’ as on faith in technological development and economic progress  (Bok, 1987, Nilsson, 1994).

But his dependence on her also brought pressures on them both.  After returning alone to the US during the war to complete the writing up of his large team project on the ‘Negro’ in American society, commissioned by the Carnegie Foundation and published as An American Dilemma, he found it hard to work without her and confessed to having doubts about his ability to get on  (1944).   When she was travelling across war torn Europe he frets about how poorly written his work is and writes ‘I am afraid that I was a little crazy - for reasons which you will now understand - ..’ (Jackson, 1990: 162).   Then, as on many later occasions, he pulled out all the stops to get her to be with him, and she left her children behind with grandmother to join him, despite the difficult conditions of the war. Later in life, after several years of living and working apart, he joined her in India at her ambassadorial residence to write his large study Asian Drama.  After seven years of  living apart from him, Alva agreed to let him return, but only when she herself  as Ambassador  had a strong work domain of her own into which he could no longer, as an older and increasingly disabled man, intrude. It is again she who gave him help and intellectual reassurance when his work threatened to become to all encompassing and overwhelming.  This is a theme often taken up by Jackson in his biography of Gunnar.  Presenting Alva as one of the many great and influential intellectuals in Gunnar’s life, Jackson also brings out her social contribution to his intellectual career and her role in managing a large circle of international networking friends, all of whom instrumental in furthering their joint careers.  If Gunnar was her passport to a more intellectually challenging and influential life, she provided social support for his ambitious aspirations.  Having both come from less than happy, enclosed and rurally distant family life, their flight into a more interesting and upwardly mobile life in Stockholm and abroad, left them dependent on each other at every turn.  It also left them professionally dependent on personal networks, which were both costly and time consuming to maintain for a couple without the private means normally associated with ‘elite’ life styles (Bok, 1987).

The children’s biographical writings are unanimous in their conclusion that, though feminist in ‘theory’, Gunnar’s behaviour as a husband and a father left much to be desired, especially when looked at from a contemporary perspective. Unlike many men of his generation he included his wife as an equal in all spheres of his professional and academic life, but his absence from the domestic sphere in all its manifestations was almost total.  He was not himself entirely unaware of the limits of his adoration.  In an appendix to The American Dilemma  in which he made a comparison of the similarities between the status of ‘Negroes’ in the US and women, he makes wry comments about the role of wives relative to their patriarchal husbands.  Here he wrote that in relation to both women and ‘Negroes’, white men generally preferred a less professional and more human relation, ‘actually a more paternalistic and protective position’.  He continued,  ‘In Germany it is said that every gentile has his pet Jew, so it is said in the South that every White has his “pet nigger”, or – in the upper strata – several of them.  We  [italics mine] sometimes marry the pet woman, carrying out the paternalistic scheme.  But even if we do not, we tend to deal kindly with her as a client and a ward, not as a competitor and an equal...In the final analysis, women are still hindered in their competition by the function of procreation; Negroes are labouring under the yoke of the doctrine of unassimilability which has remained although slavery is abolished.  The second barrier is actually much stronger than the first in America today.  But the first is more eternally inexorable’ (1944: 1078).  Here he referred in a footnote to Alva’s book Nation and Family  published three years earlier.  This appendix was to be of greater importance to the development of feminism than he could have envisaged at the time, since it became a source of inspiration for Simone de Beauvoir’s book The Second Sex (1953), a book greatly admired by Alva. Jackson records that this appendix was originally intended as a chapter of the report itself, but before publication removed as too contentious for its American readership (1990: 168).

The full story of Alva’s intellectual contribution to her husband’s conception of national and international economics, and his continual insistence on the location of the discipline in social institutional and moral contexts, remains to be written.  So does a fuller story of their sixty-seven years’ of joint intellectual and political life, by their son in his acerbic obituary of his father referred to as a ‘folie a deux’ (Jackson, 1990: 368).   Her personal, social and domestic support for his extraordinary and often relentless ambition is better documented in writings about them.   If the world had been allowed stay with Gunnar’s story, she would have remained simply ‘the best’, with little indication that being ‘his best’ was not enough for others within the family.  This picture was however dramatically shattered when the first of several autobiographical books written by their son Jan was published (1982).  This came out when they Alva and Gunnar were both in their eighties and in the same year that Alva received the Noble Peace Prize.  In working hard to serve and support her husband’s as well as her own various ambitions, she had not succeeded in serving her child’s needs for an emotionally secure home, throwing seriously open to public doubt her reasoned attempts to educate and transform the lives of other working women.
 

Mother, Home Maker and Child Specialist

Jan’s Story


Jan was already a renowned writer and journalist, and in his fifties, when he decided to write about his childhood (1982).  2)   In his discussion of Gunnar’s and Alva’s pain over their son’s first autobiographical ‘tales’ about his early childhood, Jackson sums up Jan’s descriptions of Alva as ‘cold, manipulative and lacking in spontaneity’ (1990:363).  Overall, writes Jackson, Jan describes his parents as ‘not really concerned with the poor, they wanted an upper-class lifestyle and the power to manipulate people...[their] public image was a lie, covering up a failed marriage, a disastrous relationship with their son, and phony politics ‘ (1990: 363).  Gunnar’s bullying aggressiveness and arrogant faith in his own abilities were already well known through his behaviour in public life. But, the exposure of Alva appeared all the more cruel since it did not tally with Gunnar’s openly stated adoration, or with her public grace and charm, qualities which had led her to become one of the world’s more famous international diplomats.  The book caused a political as well as a literary sensation, partly because its publication coincided with a period of general revaluation of decades of social democratic welfare state rule, but also because of the emotive strengths of its depiction of the traumas of childhood.  Jan does not claim to be ‘objective’, but to write ‘his words’ as a ‘prose story’ (1982: 7). But it put his mother and her domestic life firmly in the public domain by offering a string of anecdotal memories of her behaviour in the home and with him.   In these descriptions of Alva’s relationship with her son it is her behaviour as a mother that is at stake, and the model of motherhood with which she is compared is one steeped in the very past from which Alva had tried so hard to escape. His mother’s voice is ‘cold and blond’, her hands give a chill, and her eyes are also ‘cold and grey’.  She is often described as sitting behind him, or coming from behind a door, coldly observing his behaviour and taking notes about him, writing down his fantasy stories without understanding them.  He hates her shrill, bird like ‘twitter’ and artificial laughs, and angers over her rejection of country relatives and their objects as not good enough for her new life style.  His grandmother ‘explains’ and treats him like an equal, but mother just watches and observes, discussing his behavioural problems with her emancipated woman friends behind his back.  He is her ‘wild child’ that does not fit in with her expectations of good behaviour and he is permanently shamed for bad manners.  After a spell with his grandparents in the country during his parents’ absence in the US, he even doubts his own paternity when he is returned with his sisters to them.  When hurt or miserable he is never comforted by mother but always by others, a relative or a maid, and the comfort often takes the form of drink or food.  Meals cooked for his parents he can only have as leftovers after his parents’ dinner parties if saved by a helper.  Father, guests and dinner parties always come first.  When Gunnar wants to get rid of ‘the little devils’, which is a daily event, mother always obliges.  She never admits to weaknesses and inability to deliver when it comes to demands made on her by work or the world outside, only to those of her son.

Jan presents his world as full of ‘masks’ and convenient lies to keep up appearances of order and success.  He writes, ‘You could really put on whichever mask you wanted, as long as you knew the lines.  If the one who played Alva fell ill, someone else could stand in and learn the role of the Alva mask and Alva clothes and be Alva in the performance’ (1982: 151).  ‘Everything must appear proper.  Even words.  One must always remember that someone might be listening’ (1982: 184).  At the many social events organised by his parents in the home, everything is treated as in the public domain. Alva keeps detailed financial accounts of everything in her management of the household and he learns how to ‘fiddle the books’.  He doubts her status as a ‘real’ woman when he writes, ‘Alva is blond. Grandma is dark. They have different voices and different looks.  Three times I have been married but none of my wives have been blond and none have been of Alva’s type...I do not like blonds’ (1982: 87).  He describes his elder sister Sissela, with her high status marriage and professional academic success in the US as of the same mould.  During the family’s joint trip to the US, described in a second book, he sees his life as even more dominated by famous persons and the need for good behaviour and appropriate language  (1984).  His presence in the family he sees as a total anomaly, with psychological experts and specialist teachers roped in to come to grips with him, whilst Alva, dressed to impress in the latest fashion, moves further and further away from his needs.  Once back in the cold modernist ‘model’ house he is supposed to call home, he earns pocket money by assembling newspaper cuttings of his famous parents.  He is forever excluded from his parents’ intimate and gossipy conversations about others.  He never shares his feelings about his mother with his father, whose demands on her attention are forever present.

And so Jan’s ‘tales’ have continued with unrivalled literary skill about the traumas of childhood, but also with public exposure of what he sees as the consequences for him, and his youngest sister especially, of his mother’s commitment to a life of professional fame and upwardly social mobility.  In one or the books he exposes the weaknesses in her marriage and his father’s infidelity and records his only ‘private’ conversation with him as a paternal expression of sorrow over the event.  When his mother has problems with getting a visa to America because of his own strongly anti-American political activities he describes her as asking him to refrain from seeing her for a while . With major public political disagreements with his father and the Social Democratic party during the sixties, the result is that he finally breaks with his parents for good  (1994).  Unlike his sisters, Jan thus never experienced his parents coming of age and their later life together, and his continuing public attacks from the sidelines on their politics became part of a broader attack on the Swedish political system, its welfare state and the role of his parents within it.  His perceptions of what Alva should have been like, had she been a ‘real’ mother, have never mellowed in his descriptions of family life.  It became up to his sisters to defend her, and to try to explain to the world why for them, as for thousands of other women, Alva had become a facilitator and a role model in their own struggle for independence, albeit a model frayed at the edges.
 

Sissela’s Story


In the eldest daughter Sissela Bok’s biographical memoir of her mother, Alva is presented to us as a path breaking pioneer with a powerful vision of emancipated womanhood  (1987).  This memoir was written at the end of Alva’s life when Sissela herself had become an established academic in the US.  3)  During the last years of her life, Alva suffered from a disabling illness of brain tumour and afasia, a crippling blow to a woman who had lived by the written and spoken word and whose career had revolved around communicative exchanges.  Her illness was especially hard for her as it followed Jan’s hurtful criticisms, which demanded verbal explanations, corrections and public debate.  Sissela’s memoir repeatedly refers to Alva’s expressed regrets and guilt about the times in her life when she left the care of the children to others.  Where Jan’s comparative frame of reference is an idealised vision of old fashioned motherhood that of Sissela is Alva’s own idealised dream of liberated womanhood. From her youth this vision had three components: an equal partnership within an emotionally and intellectually close marriage, a family with happy and well adjusted children free from traditional authoritarian parental domination, and a full productive life characterised by economic independence and stimulating and worthwhile work.  But, argues Sissela,  this vision was too grand, too contradictory and all encompassing to be realised in practice in a world not ready for it and it came to grief on all fronts.  It was a precarious ‘balance’ between often conflicting self-chosen demands the maintenance of which she had little help with from her husband  (1987: 75). Sissela’s account of her mother’s life is often interspersed with Alva’s own retrospective evaluations as expressed in letters and tortured conversations.  The passionate relationship with Gunnar, which began the moment they met when Alva was only seventeen, started as a liberation and a passport to a more exciting and stimulating world first at university in Stockholm, and continued abroad on various joint trips.  But it also triggered female submissive ‘self-denial’, when Alva upon meeting him burned of all previous fictional writings and personal diaries to live up to and match the cool rationality of a brilliant man whose career everyone expected to come first  (1987:  75).  Far from starting out as a career woman in her own right, Sissela describes her mother’s early years as spent organising her and Gunnar’s joint life and household, their discussion and planning meetings and dinner parties. She did Gunnar’s typing for him and shared writing with him, following him where his needs and interests brought them, albeit on grants of her own.  Her own earlier work was in comparison without clear direction, and came to concentrate on her domestic world of child rearing, women’s issues and home making.  Most of her writings and organisational work whilst the children were small were done on a part time basis with women teachers and campaigners.  Sissela points out that Alva was forty-seven years old before she had her first full time job of her own, at the UN in New York.  She took this job in 1947 when Jan had already left home and the girls were in their early teens.  Gunnar was at the time in Geneva employed in a demanding post with a large staff attached and for the first time did not need her to work with him, except to arrange the expected social entertainment.  As a married foreign woman in post-war Switzerland she was besides legally prevented from taking paid employment herself and had to contend with voluntary engagements.  She intends to leave the household a year only, but never returned to joint family life again, leaving the girls to cope with an absent Gunnar and a housekeeper unable to cope.  Sissela describes her mother’s feelings of being devalued, cornered and unable to cope without Gunnar’s intellectual partnership or meaningful work of her own and only able to realise herself away from him and increasingly meaningless domestic demands (1987: 188-189).

Alva’s dream of a large, happy and close family life with liberated children reared in a climate free from poverty and traditionalist oppression, the kind of family life Alva wrote so much about, proved a disappointment too.  Children did not come easy, and she suffered several devastating miscarriages, the latest when she was over forty.  Far from not caring, Sissela describes Alva as energetically and persistently struggling to create a wonderful home, despite Gunnar’s demands on her and those of public political life.  She organises her days to find time for the children, banning Gunnar from access to her until after seven in the evening.  She tells stories, makes dresses for the girls, organises toys, playrooms and adventures to compensate for hers and Gunnar’s child free intellectual ‘holidays’ without them.  She is often tired and torn between different tasks outside and inside the home.  Jan is from the start a difficult child, sleepless and troubled, and Gunnar shows little interest in the children.  Alva on the other hand involves her children in her work on pedagogy, both practically and intellectually.  Once hers and Gunnar’s radical and widely read book on welfare policy had been published, the ‘Myrdal family’ became public property.  Gunnar’s political performance as Minister in the post-war government was not very successful. The family came to represent all that was ‘new’, ‘modern’, and threatening in women’s emancipation, sexual freedoms, US inspired child rearing practices, functionalist architecture and models of socialist collectivism. The admiration Alva and Gunnar expressed for everything American in their home, as well as in a popular book written during the was as a strong statement of anti-fascist pro-democracy, added to their notoriety  (1941). ‘Normal’ family life became increasingly impossible with the press watching her and her children’s every move, rising to outright hostility in the years following the war. ‘The Myrdals’ large joint desk, their twin beds with a movable partition in the middle and the way their children were left on their own became public jokes in Swedish households critical of the Myrdal’s aspirations to modernity. This fame had hurtful personal consequences for the children in school and with friends (1987: 180).     When shortly after the war Gunnar was offered an important
post with the UN’s economic commission in Geneva, Alva agreed to leave Sweden and her many activities there, pack up and sell their famous house and follow him.   Sissela tells us that her mother did so for the sake of the family, having turned down an offer of an international post of her own.  In juggling her commitments, her family came first when her children were small and she hoped for a better life for the girls in Geneva.  Jan was by then twenty years old, and had already left home after stormy teenage years dominated by violent conflicts with his father.

Though never explicitly charging her brother with lying, Sissela presents a very different picture of Alva’s priorities as a mother by emphasising both her child oriented activities and by offering a more detailed chronology of events as they happened with respect to Alva’s professional career.  In her descriptions of the idealism and conflicts in Alva’s aspirations and her attempts to manage them over time, Sissela sees her mother as the struggling ‘role model’ Alva herself as pioneer never had. In watching her mother’s enormous joy and excitement in intellectually creative and influential humanitarian work of various kinds, first part time and then later in life as a full time worker, Sissela herself learns the value, and cost, of independence.  Through her mother’s faith in American style ‘free’ child rearing practices and thus being left to her own devices as a teenager, Sissela learned how to make her own decisions as a woman, however hard and lonely they seemed at the time.  As a result she grows into her own intellectual professional and family life with better tools than her mother ever had, and with more realistic ambitions, as well as a clearer understanding of the need to make greater demands on her husband.  In discussions with her elderly mother about the many conflicting loyalties experienced by Alva to her husband, herself and her children, Sissela sees herself as learning to be more aware about what to demand and how to plan her own marriage and her life. Sissela presents her mother’s self-confessed ‘failure’ to manage it all as well as she would have liked, despite her many attempts to legislate for others,  as a product of her powerful vision of ‘having it all’ at a time when men like Gunnar were more feminist in theory than in practice, and when society at large expected the Myrdal family to be ‘perfect’ in all things.  There is no romance in Sissela’s memoir about the world Alva left behind, only concern about the failure of her father to ‘modernise’ himself and meet her mother half way in taking responsibility for the daily life of the family.
 

Kaj’s Story


If the two men in Alva’s family did not agree in their conception of Alva, neither in the end did her two daughters, though both of them wrote of their admiration for her struggle for women’s emancipation.  The youngest daughter, Kaj Folster, in her autobiographical biographical account of her own life within the family, presents us with a more radical feminist perspective of her mother (1992).  Her ‘story’ is subtitled a ‘Myrdalian post script’ and was written as a critical response to the writings of both her elder siblings. This book was published after her mother’s death, and at a time when both feminism and biography as a genre had moved deeper into the more private emotional tensions of the domestic sphere.  The youngest to arrive, she for many years as a child suffered from ‘silences’ and speech problems, and she searches for the origins of her own inability to express herself within a family so dominated by ‘talk’, arguments and intellectual exchanges.  She was only thirteen when her mother left for her first full time job away from home, and was largely left to fend for herself in a big and empty house in Geneva where the housekeeper became ill and her father was always at work.  In letters from her mother she is even asked to ‘look after’ her father to alleviate her mother‘s worries about having left. Kaj soon arranged to get herself invited to stay with a large traditional Swiss family where she found herself  better cared for away from the rest of the Myrdals.  She remained in close emotional contact with her mother, and like Sissela, reaffirmed this during Alva’s last illness.  As in Sissela’s memoir, Alva here stands out as an ambitious, brilliant and ‘good’ woman as well as a feminist role model.  When in despair Alva writes to her after the publication of Jan’s book ‘Should I have stayed by the stove bearing children...?’, Kaj replies ‘Thank God and hooray you didn’t!’ (1992: 190).   But for Kaj, Alva’s ‘goodness’ and her anxiety to please in all the roles she took up, is also her fatal ‘womanly’ weakness, which made her a ‘victim’ to the two dominating and demanding men in her life: Gunnar and Jan.  On the basis of letters written by Jan to her mother, given to her for safekeeping lest he tries to destroy them, she accuses Jan of crudely misrepresenting his relationship to his mother.  She also charges her sister with refusing to expose Jan’s role in dominating Alva’s life.  She writes about Alva’s and Gunnar’s devotion to their eldest son and about Jan’s constant demands on their time, their money, their services and tolerance.  Kaj describes herself as growing up in the shadow of the incessant and destructive rows between Gunnar and Jan over the attentions of Alva, and describes in painful detail her mother’s self-negating wish to please the two persons she loved most.  When the two men in the household argue and fight, Alva retires silently in her room, unable to stand up to them and unable to protect the girls and herself from their powerful dominance (1992: 106).  Alva’s faith in the power of reason, talk, diplomacy and collaboration falls apart in front of their masculine power and control, and ultimately proves too much for her, with the result that she leaves the family home and her thirteen year old Kaj behind.  The tone of the letters she writes to Kaj, some of which Kaj refers to in her book, is warm but brief, artificially cheerful and hurried.  At the UN, Alva has more important things to do than to worry about her daughter’s need for a new swimsuit.

For Kaj, Alva’s role in the home, however domestically ambitious, was ultimately a traditional female one of mediating, glossing over, supporting, wheeling and dealing between the men, reasoning and giving way.  It was not as angry and demanding as it should have been and did not put responsibility on the men around her. ‘It is a social handicap not to be a boy..’ says Alva, and Alva is unable to be a boy when it comes to demanding and asserting her own power in the household.  When faced with her mother’s expression of retrospective guilt, Kaj wrote to her ‘...you should not have a bad conscience about me; that you should direct towards yourself in your weakness against Uvve [Gunnar]..so that he never needed to rethink but could continue his ingrained pattern of behaviour...’(1992: 183).  Whilst Alva was alive, Kaj felt very protective of her mother as a ‘victim’ of their male dominance.  She never herself told her mother of Jan’s abuses of her as a child in rough games and violent experiments, including sexual ones, nor the pain of her father’s absences and hurtful sarcasms.  She could not trust mother to take her side or believe her over and above that of the men.  Kaj feels that her elder siblings, in not telling this side of Alva’s story, have denied her the right to her own childhood memories. Kaj writes, ’I was also exposed to tensions, oppressions and abuses that did not square with the rational, progressive perspective on freedom, justice, equality and peace advocated by those in my family who could speak publicly’ (1992: 7).   Like Alva, Kaj as a child became helpful, consoling, practical, but not angry enough, and like Alva her only option in the end was to leave the pretence of her famous family.  ‘I could never be left at peace with my relationship to Alva without Jan standing there demanding her emotions and feelings..’ (1992: 28).  She feels she hardly existed for her absent ‘workaholic’ father, except as an occasional ‘toy’ to show his friends.  In her non-existence, she sees no need to speak at all. She could not trust her mother to act in her defence as the independent, responsible and strong adult she should have been.

In Kaj’s ‘story’, Alva meets us as a pioneering role model, but also in the end as a ‘wounded dove’ whose aspirations to a world guided by more female values is shattered by the men closest to her .  Despite being a self proclaimed feminist, Alva’s anger and fury with the men she started life so eager to please is never forthcoming for Kaj to see, even at the end, and Kaj can not confess her own anger to Alva for fear of hurting her.  Kaj’s more radical feminist criticism of Alva is summed up in her call to her dead mother: ‘Alva, didn’t you understand, didn’t you see, couldn’t you help me?  It became all so twisted, because the person my silence was aimed to protect was you, not Jan. It is so wrong to be silent’. (1992: 73).   In helping ‘the weak’ and ‘the oppressed’ in the world at large Alva was a heroine, but at home she was, in Kaj’s story, unable to help, protect and defend her youngest daughter against the consequences of a domineering husband and a bullying son.  Her failure to do so, in Kaj’s eyes, had a great deal to do with her ultimately limited conception of what it meant to be a ‘good’ wife and a ‘good’ mother,  a conception which did not include the right, and the duty, to be angry and domineering herself when circumstances required.
 

Conclusion: having it all, judged on it all


We can as outsiders to this set of intellectual exchanges and the domestic drama that underlie them raise many further questions about the nature of these stories, steeped as they are in time bound discourses about what constitutes ‘good’ womanhood. We may in retrospect ask questions about the appropriateness of motherly guilt in front of three children, each one of whom in the end survived a childhood no more difficult than millions of other children of hard working parents.  We should also perhaps query further our own motives in seeking to understand the complexities of the private lives of an extraordinary family and the ‘chronocentricity’ of our own interpretations of its success and failures. But more importantly in this context, we are also reminded that in relating ‘lived experience’ to social change, we need to be wary of whose experiences we are dealing with and how they come to be expressed in particular ways.  In applying a theoretical ‘lens’ Alva herself used in presenting ‘modern’ womanhood as contradictory and unresolved to some of the biographical writing s about her, I have tried to bring her concerns about the status of women in society to present concerns about the status of women in biographical writings.  In all her work, Alva saw intellectual activity as a moral as well as an intellectual enterprise.  Like her husband she saw as pointless and dangerous a science that does not attempt to contribute to making the world a better place for individual human beings.  She preached her ideas about a better world to governments and ‘ordinary’ people with equal passion.  In retrospect it is not surprising that what she herself in later life described as her ‘moral arrogance’ inevitably came to evoke a strong response of defence or attack by those who have written about her.  In drawing sociological attention to a picture of what ‘modern’ womanhood could be like, professional, marital and maternal, if only rationally and efficiently organised and financed, she also set standards which proved impossible to reach for her as well as for millions of other women.  But these standards were in themselves products of a past where the gender expectations of ‘successful’ men and women were so constructed as to be mutually incompatible.  Fulfilling either of these expectations well in the end inevitably denied the other in the eyes all around, each from their own particular perspective and standpoint of admiration, understanding or anger.  The ‘story’ of Alva, like those Virginia Wolf and Simone de Beauvoir, provides us with yet another vivid example of what Evans describes as the ‘impact of unresolved family dramas on individuals, and consequently on intellectual life and social ideas’.  The forms in which they presented, and created, themselves ‘remains endlessly suggestive of the different ways in which women’s writing is a very precise and determined engagement with masculinity...’ (1993: 12).  For Alva, as for them, attempts to ‘order the world’ through writing and participation in public life in the end met with disappointment and the painful realisation of the limits of the enterprise as she defined it. I have here tried to argue that this engagement is also at the heart of biographical writings about women and the continuing complexity of the relationship between their contribution to public and domestic life.
 

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Notes


1) It has become customary in feminist writing about biographical material to place oneself in relationship to the interpretations offered.  My own experience as a working woman and mother is undoubtedly of some relevance.  So is a quote about the conditions of womanhood from a recent Swedish feminist text, for which I have sadly lost the reference, which helped me understand why the picture of Alva remained so confused and contradictory the more I read by and about her. It goes in translation as follows, ‘If you raise your voice you are told that you are aggressive and difficult.  When quiet you are seen as weak and evasive.  As a girl you are expected to be soft and sensitive.  If you are soft and sensitive you are seen as lacking in focus and unsure of yourself.   If in the other hand you act tough and hard, they think you are not feminine enough’.  Alva was after all ‘just a girl’.

2) When the first book about his childhood came out, Jan was already known as a writer in both Europe
       and  America, especially for his book on  developments in rural China:  Report from a Chinese Village
(1965) New York: William Heinemann Ltd.

3) At the time of publishing the memoir of her mother, Sissela had become professor at Brandeis University, USA, and had briefly before published the book Lying: moral choice in public and private life (1980) London: Quartet Books.

 
 
 

References


Appelquist, O. and Andersson, A.  (1998)  Vagvisare: Texter av Gunnar Myrdal. Stockholm: Norstedts Forlag.

Bertaux,  D. ed.  (1981)  Biography and Society.  London: Sage.

Bertaux, D. and Thompson, P. eds  (1997)  Pathways to Social Class: A Qualitative Approach to Social Mobility.  Oxford: Clarendon Press.

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  Should I Stay or Should I Go?

The Process of Deciding Over Divorce in the Life Stories of Finnish Women

4th European Sociological Conference, August 1999, Amsterdam
Biographical Perspectives on European Societies
 

Vanessa May
Department of Sociology
Abo Akademi University
Gezeliusgatan 2
FIN-20500 Abo
Finland
Email: vmay@abo.fi
Fax: +358-(0)2-215 4808
 
 

This paper looks at the life stories written by women with children in Finland who say that they at some point in their lives have contemplated divorce or separation, and focuses on how the decision process is narratively constructed. The aim is to uncover the explanations used by the writers to justify their decision either to stay in the relationship or to seek divorce or separation. The justifications employed by the writers are mostly of moral nature, and children are key figures in these narratives. Both the divorced mothers and the mothers who stayed married say that they have had their children's best interests at heart. This apparent paradox disappears with a closer examination of the justifications used. The divorced mothers construct their divorce as an act of protecting their children from a bad father or an unhappy home, while the married mothers argue that they have to some extent sacrificed their own happiness so that their children can grow up in a two- parent family. The writers say that they have divorced for their children or remained married for their children, in both cases succeeding to present themselves as "good" mothers, who protect their children even at the expense of their own happiness.
 
 
 

Introduction

Many family theorists locate the main cause for the rising divorce rate in contemporary Western societies in the rising individualism, coupled with developments in gender equality (e.g., Popenoe 1998; Bernardes 1997, 194; Coontz 1997; Stacey 1991; Eräsaari 1994; Gerris 1994; Koskelo 1979; Bernardes 1972). One result of these developments is that women are now more independent financially, and are therefore more able to leave an unsatisfying marriage. Also a change in moral norms has been named as a reason for the increase in the number of divorces. It is now thought to be more acceptable for parents with children to divorce, to strive for personal happiness, and to place personal happiness before that of other family members. In this paper, I examine whether traces of these new values can be found in the life stories of Finnish women who say that they at some point in their marriage have contemplated divorce. I focus on the arguments they use for either leaving or remaining in the marriage, and on the extent that these arguments reflect the new individualism that researchers attribute the rising divorce rate to. I interpret the life stories in light of the current debate in sociology over the detraditionalization (cf. Heelas 1996) of contemporary family life.
 

Tradition meets Individualism

Modern individualism is seen as a major factor behind the increasing commonality of divorce (e.g., Popenoe 1998; Bernardes 1997, 194; Coontz 1997; Stacey 1991; Eräsaari 1994; Gerris 1994; Koskelo 1979; Bernardes 1997). Ulrich Beck (e.g., 1992) and Anthony Giddens (e.g., 1991) are among those who theorize that we live in an age of rising individualism, where traditions no longer are the basis of relationships, and where marriage must provide emotional fulfillment in order to survive. This view has been called the detraditionalization thesis (cf. Heelas 1996), whereby there is no clear dichotomy between the traditional and modern, in the sense that traditions have not completely disappeared, but have merely become less taken-for- granted and all-encompassing (e.g., Beck & Beck-Gernsheim 1996). However, criticism has been voiced that Giddens and Beck, among others, present the past as a-temporal and static, when in fact change is continuous, always has been (Adam 1996; Thompson 1996; Luke 1996). For example, there is no specific traditional family life we can compare contemporary family life with. This co-existence thesis proposes that traditions and modernity co-exist—as Luke (1996, 117) puts it, we can see the modernity of traditions and traditions of modernity.

According to Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (1996, 24), individualization means the disintegration of previously existing social forms and normal biographies. Giddens (1991) has coined the term ‘pure relationship', which he defines as "a social relation which is internally referential, that is, depends fundamentally on satisfactions and rewards generic to that relation itself" (Giddens 1991, 244). Pure relationships are not embedded in tradition, that is, traditions are no incentive for individuals to stay in a relationship. A pure relationship is constantly being re-evaluated by the persons in it, and if they deem it to be unsatisfactory and see no way of improving it, they terminate the relationship (cf. Giddens 1992). Before, in the world of tradition, people did not have this reflexivity at hand, and remained in relationships because it was the done thing. As Barbara Adam (1996, 139), however, points out, reflexivity is not solely the prerogative of modern individuals, as "reflexivity is ontological to all of humanity, to what it means to be human". Adam (1996, 139) also argues that the diminishing power of tradition in some areas does not mean that individuals can now act without restriction, in other words be guided solely by internal authority, since often traditional authorities are simply replaced by other external authorities.
 

Familialism and Individualism in Finland

As elsewhere, family issues such as divorce have been the object of ideological clashes in Finland. There have been differences between different social classes, and between the countryside and urban areas in divorce behaviour and attitudes towards divorce. In the urban centres, divorce has historically been and continues to be more common than in the countryside (Allardt 1953, 40-41; Koskelo 1979, 26; Mahkonen 1980, 214). The agrarian population at the beginning of the twentieth century viewed families more as production units than as sources for individual happiness. It was among the urban middle class that the idea of the nuclear family based on emotions was first adopted in Finland (Sulkunen 1989). The differences in family ideology can be traced back to traditional collectivism, or traditional familialism, based mainly on Christian values, and. to modern individualism, as found for instance in social reformism (Allardt 1953; Waris 1961; Mahkonen 1980). Elements of both can be found in family ideology in Finland throughout the twentieth century (cf. Jallinoja 1984), supporting the view that ‘traditional' and ‘modern' co-exist (Jallinoja 1997).

The increasing industrialization, urbanization, secularization, and level of education since the 1950s have been accompanied by a liberalization of general attitudes towards sexual morality and divorce (Koskelo 1979, 57-61; cf. Stone, 1990; Coontz 1997; Hofsten 1983;  Kristiansen 1977; Kooy 1977; Boigeol, Commaille and Roussel 1977, on similar developments in other industrialized countries during the twentieth century). The emotional aspect of marriage has become more important than the financial aspect (Koskelo 1979; Reuna 1997). Individuals are now more able to survive financially outside a family context, and expect more emotional gratification out of marriage. The trend in Finland after the Second World War was increasingly to marry out of love and to demand "psychological harmony" and emotional intimacy between spouses (Waris 1961, 45; Jallinoja 1984, 61; cf. Gullestad 1984; Giddens 1992, on similar developments in other countries). Strandell (1984) has shown that younger generations of Finnish women in the 1970 began to question and discard the notion that a wife and a mother should sacrifice her own happiness in order to ensure the happiness of other family members.

The 1960s and 1970s were a time of ideological battle between the proponents of traditional familialism and secular individualism (Helin 1974, 28; Jallinoja 1984). Proponents of the individualistic view on families became more vociferous in the 1960s, demanding that people should be free to love whomever they choose, and have the right to decide for themselves when to end a marriage (Jallinoja 1984, 50-51). Even proponents of familialism revised their opinions and during the 1960s accepted the view that "destructive" marriages should be allowed to end (Jallinoja 1984, 51).

Changes in Finnish divorce law reflect the changing ideological environment. Individualistic arguments were central in the demands for changes in divorce law, increasingly debated since the 1970s. The old divorce law from 1929, based on the idea of the common good of marriage (Mahkonen 1980, 199), was replaced by new legislation in 1988, based on the notion of individual right to end a marriage by agreement. This no-fault divorce legislation is characterized by the individualistic notion that people should be able to ascertain for themselves when their marriage was beyond repair, without having to convince a court, an external authority, of this (Jaakkola 1989).

The number and proportion of divorces has steadily increased in Finland since the 1960s. The divorce rate—divorces per 1000 inhabitants—has risen from 0.83 in 1960 (Statistical Yearbook of Finland 1962, 50) to 2.6 in 1997 (Statistics Finland 1998:12, 133). The number of divorces has increased from 3,655 in 1960 (Statistical Yearbook of Finland 1962, 50) to 13,507 in 1997 (Statistics Finland 1998:12, 132). The generally accepted view is that more liberal divorce laws lead to more divorces, but Mahkonen (1980) argues that the nature of divorce laws does not have effect on the rate of increase in divorces.

The effects of the social changes since the 1960s have continued to the present day, although the disagreement between proponents of familial family views and individualistic ones still continues. It is, however, questionable whether Finland has become, or is in danger of becoming, the anti-family individualistic society feared by many. In the 1980s, Finnish people continued to hold relatively traditional views on family, for example preferring a family based on biological ties to being single (Ritala-Koskinen 1994). Also in the 1990s, the general values on family in Finland could be considered familial (Reuna 1997). Many researchers, however, argue that the detraditionalization thesis holds true also for Finland (e.g., Airaksinen 1994; Eräsaari 1994). The Finnish debate on the future of family life is very similar to debates in other countries. The belief that detraditionalization, and more specifically, individualism have an impact on family behaviour is reflected in the choice of title for the anthology Ydinperheestä yksilöllistyviin perheisiin (1994), which translated into English means From the nuclear family to individualistic families.
 

Method and Material

The data of this study comprise of life stories written by Finnish women. These life stories were collected in 1995 by a project called Kvinnoliv i Svenskfinland (Women's Lives in Swedish-Speaking Finland). The project was initiated by the Institute for Women's Studies at Åbo Akademi University in Finland. Brochures and bulletins were sent out, urging women to write their life story, with the result that 130 women sent in their contribution. Of these, I chose the life stories written by women with children who write that they have contemplated separating from their partner while their children were still living at home. I found eighteen such life stories, all written by married, heterosexual women. All of the writers were born before 1960, which would largely account for why there are no writers who have had children in consensual unions, rare among women born in the 1950s or earlier (Lindgren 1997, 11). Four of the writers decided to go ahead with the divorce, while the remaining fourteen remained married. Many of these fourteen women, however, say that they had at some point taken steps towards separation and divorce, such as moving out of their marital home or filing for divorce, but in the end returned to their husbands.

Five of the writers were born in the 1920s, six in the 1930s, four in the 1940s, and the remaining three in the 1950s. The writers describe experiences of marital unhappiness from the 1940s to the 1990s.

Six of the life story writers come from an urban background, seven grew up in the countryside, and two in small country towns. Eleven writers have a middle-class background, and four come from a working-class family. Three of the writers do not write enough about their background to say where they grew up, or whether they came from a middle-class or a working-class background.

Most of the life story writers give more than one reason for why they were unhappy in their marriage. The main reasons are husband's alcoholism, violence, or unfaithfulness, and incompatibility or growing apart. One of the life story writers fell in love with another man.

Women's Lives in Swedish-Speaking Finland was not organized in the form of a competition, unlike previous life story collections in Finland that have published the best life stories. The writers were assured complete anonymity. An important aspect of the life stories analysed here is that the women had free hands as far as the project was concerned to write the story of their lives. There were no suggested topics given, and therefore the writers could write about what they felt should be included in their life stories. Most of them did, however, follow autobiographical conventions such as linear chronology and structuring their narrative around certain culturally shared milestones such as marriage and the birth of their children (cf. Coleman 1991; Elliott 1990).

A life story collection such as Women's Lives in Swedish-Speaking Finland has both strengths and weaknesses when used for research. On the positive side, my preconceptions and prejudices have not affected what the writers wrote about and how. In a study on divorce, this is of specific importance, as most studies on divorce are conducted as semi-structured interviews or as statistical studies, where the researcher's questions shape the material from the beginning. It is important to examine what people write about divorce and in what way when not specifically urged to do so by a researcher. The use of personal narratives allows the researched persons to enter the research process as active agents, who create what is said, and set the boundaries to what the researcher can know about their lives (Graham 1984). Story-telling allows for the writers to show the complexity of their lives, thus making it easier for the researcher to avoid fracturing their experiences (Graham 1984, 119).

But life stories can also be problematic in the sense that the researcher cannot ask for additional information or for more detailed accounts. Therefore, I am dependent on what the writers have chosen to write about, and must make do with sometimes scarce descriptions of those aspects and issues I wish to study.

The present study falls within the narrativist tradition of life story research. In other words, I have read these life stories as narratives that document not so much what the writer actually thought or did, but how she presents her thoughts and actions (cf. Hyvärinen 1998; Coleman 1991; Elliott 1990; Roos 1987, for a discussion about the various ways of reading life stories). I propose that the difference between the realist and the narrative approach is one of level: a realist reads through the narrative to an underlying reality, reads the narrative as a document on this, and consequently regards the research to be on this reality. A narrativist does not read through to an underlying reality, but reads the narrative as one form of reality, as a textual reality (term from Smith 1990). A narrativist does not claim to be studying the underlying reality of the phenomenon in question, but rather, the text is part of that reality or phenomenon (cf. Carr 1985). I propose that since the boundary between realism and narrativism is not necessarily a clear-cut one, it is reasonable to adopt a term that combines the two aspects. 'Textual realism' (cf. Smith 1990) would be such a term that emphasizes that texts are reality and as such valid objects of research. In the present study, for example, the life stories are analysed as reflections of larger social issues pertaining to the sociological debate on detraditionalization.

Barbara Laslett (1990, 416) argues that individual life stories should be used as case studies in sociology, with the aim of understanding the subjective meaning of events and the connections between an individual life and the larger social context. As Hilary Graham (1984, 119) states: "Stories are pre-eminently ways of relating individuals and events to social contexts, ways of weaving personal experiences into their social fabric".  To the sociologist, studying life stories is useful for what they reveal about social life—culture "speaks itself" through an individual's story (Riessman 1993, 5; see also Mills 1959). Life stories show us how people present, justify, and argue for their decisions and actions, for their life, but are also reflections of wider discourses and ideological climates. Thus I am not arguing that the writers actually did what they did for the reasons they say they did, but rather that the fact that they use the arguments that they use can be used as proof that these arguments are culturally valid.
 

Problems External and Internal to the Relationship

There are four types of problems that the life story writers describe as the sources of their marital unhappiness: husband's alcoholism, husband's violence, husband's unfaithfulness, and "growing apart". Only one of the writers describes that she contemplated leaving her husband because she herself had fallen in love with someone else. As shown below, the types of arguments used for staying or leaving are similar among the life stories that depict alcoholism and violence, while husband's unfaithfulness and growing apart lead to a different type of reasoning in the life story. Hence, the life stories are analyzed in two groups. Note, however, that the writers often list a number of sources of unhappiness, and therefore the division into two groups is somewhat artificial. There are writers who tell of how their alcoholic husband had affairs, but I have nevertheless assigned them into one or the other of the two groups, since usually the writers highlight one main reason for their marital problems. I propose that the reason for the differences between these two groups lies in how the source of marital unhappiness is defined in the life story, either as coming from outside the relationship or outside the husband, or as residing within the relationship or within the husband. Another way of looking at this question is through emotions: to what degree the source of unhappiness is described as emerging directly from the emotional aspect of the relationship.

The writers with alcoholic and violent husbands see the problem of their marriage to lie outside of their relationship, even outside of their husband. Violence and alcoholism are therefore not expressions of his "inner core". This becomes clear as the writers connect their husband's drinking with work and outside temptations, and violence with "something strange" or out of the ordinary as compared to how they normally view their husbands. Thus it becomes understandable that not all of the writers see their husband's alcoholism as a reflection of their marriage:
 There was no personal antipathy between us, no grudges, no unwillingness to be together. The external circumstances had driven us to this point. (KLiv 14, born 1924)

The writers who describe their husband's alcoholism often see the problem originating in their husband's work which requires him to wine and dine with customers or business partners:
 Then came a time with many trips, evenings out, weekend courses, and so on, and the family saw father at home more and more rarely. Gradually alcohol came into the picture. It became worse and worse, and the 1970s is a time I would rather forget. (KLiv 114, born 1932)

 The drinking increased. [My husband's] work "tempted" him because he could be away from home for weeks sometimes. In any case there was a lot of drinking, fights… (KLiv 9, born 1949)

The writers whose husbands beat them can describe how their husband would get a strange look in his eyes when he became violent, and other ways in which his countenance or behaviour departed from the normal:
 But then I see his staring look, the one that always comes when at some point during his attacks he becomes so livid that his whole physiognomy and psyche change. (KLiv 95, born 1943)

The writers account for how they imagined such an external problem being solved, either by the husband discontinuing his drinking or violence. Alcoholism and violence therefore emerge as tangible problems that something can be done about.

When violent men talk about their violences against women (e.g., Hearn 1998; Hautamäki 1997), they describe violence as residing within them, teased out by a woman's behaviour. Violence is thus defined as being part of male nature, repressed and dormant but nevertheless ever-present. Yet in the life stories in this study, the writers present the husband's violence as completely the opposite. His violence is not an expression of his "inner core" or his "real" nature, but an action that they cannot explain by referring to his personality. Violence does not lie dormant within him, but is rather something alien that invades the husband. This gives a key to understanding why the reader in many cases receives conflicting information about the husband: a brutal husband can also be described as "a good father". If a writer sees her husband's violent behaviour as alien to his real character, it is possible for her to view him as an essentially good man who can reform his ways. The violence endured by the writers is not explained in these life stories, and often emerges in the narratives out of context. Few writers describe the situation of the violent acts, or what explanations their husbands offered for them. The husband's violence thus obtains the nature of an inexplicable aberration.

In contrast, the writers who have grown apart from their husbands perceive the origin of their marital problems to lie in their husband's personality. The problem is thereby an integral part of their relationship, and it appears in the life stories to be more difficult to solve such a problem. The death of emotions is intangible and difficult to counteract. Only a complete change of personality would help, and this appears as unrealistic in light of our modern view of individuals. As one writer puts it: "He has so many good sides, if only he were a bit happier." (KLiv 33, born 1922)

Also the writers who tell that their husband has been unfaithful seem to see this as an unsolvable problem. The pain may go away, but trust is hard to reinstate, and some painful scars are always left. These are modern relationships based on emotions (Giddens 1992) and it is the emotional base of the relationship that is damaged by such an act of unfaithfulness. It is an act against the relationship itself. The husband falling in love with someone else means that the relationship between the writer and her husband is at least partially destroyed.
 Having to learn to trust one's husband again has been and is difficult, but the day is taken as it comes. (KLiv 119, born 1956)

 This [my husband falling in love with another woman] did not lead to a break-up in our marriage, but our relationship was never the same and I found it very difficult to get over what had happened. (KLiv 114, born 1932)

 Now the pain is no longer as "sharp", but it exists – still – underneath. Will I never forget? (KLiv 1, born 1932)

The last quote comes from a life story given in diary form. The writer never offers an explanation for why she stayed with her husband, but earlier excerpts from her diary attest to the importance she placed on her family. And the later excerpts show how she continued to feel pride over her family, but this happiness was dented by the ambiguous relationship she continued to have with her husband.

The following writer alludes to her husband's unfaithfulness while they were almost newlyweds. In her mind, it was for the sake of their first child, born some time after the incident, that she remained in her marriage:
 The first serious crisis in our marriage came a bit later, when my husband developed tuberculosis as a result of "the Asian flu", a difficult influenza. In hospital, where he was for half a year, he met a nurse he felt attracted to. This did not lead to a break-up in our marriage, but our relationship was never the same and I found it very difficult to get over what had happened. Only when daughter was born I thought she was a gift worth forgetting the past for. But it was difficult. (KLiv 114, born 1932)

In the last two life stories, the writers present their decision to stay in their marriage within a family context—it is not only the relationship that matters, it is also the whole family that they have taken into account.

In summary, violence and alcoholism emerge from outside the relationship, whereas growing apart and unfaithfulness originate in the relationship, showing that something is wrong or lacking on the emotional level of the relationship. Whereas violence and alcoholism are hurtful to the writer, the writers do not however necessarily see them as expressions of the relationship itself. They appear more as weaknesses in the husband, caused by external pressures or then left unexplained. The emotional bond between the writer and her husband may be damaged, but not irreparably, and not completely. In the life stories that depict a couple grown apart, the emotional bond appears non-existent or tenuous. This difference has an effect on how the relationship is later justified in the life story.

There are indeed echoes of the pure relationship (Giddens 1991; 1992) in these accounts of marital relationships. The writers view their marriage as based on emotions, and as such prone to re-evaluation if this emotional bond undergoes change. The relationships described in the life stories are not ones that continue unquestioned, but are seen by the writers to be under threat. Thus, marriage is not taken for granted, but emerges as a relationship that has to be kept going through the efforts of the two adult parties involved.
 

Arguments for Leaving

In this section, I discuss the reasons the writers give for wanting to leave. It is important to keep in mind that only four of the eighteen writers say that they ended up divorcing their husbands. As will be seen in the following section, for the other fourteen writers, the arguments for staying weighed more. The two writers with alcoholic and violent husbands who left their husband justify this action with the well-being of their children. The first writer witnessed her husband's violent behaviour towards their child. She also says she had to give her child away to her parents in order to earn enough money to feed them, as her husband's salary went to drink and other pleasures. The writer describes how she left him after realizing that her husband had received her pay in advance and had used it on himself, thus leaving her no money to visit her son. In the narrative, this event becomes the last straw in a list of wrongdoings that tips the scales towards divorce. The second writer describes how her decision to divorce was prompted by her fear that her husband's aggressiveness would one day be directed against their new-born baby. She recounts years of abuse at the hands of her husband, and her continuing hope that the violence would end. The writer explains that she had believed that the arrival of their child would curb his violent behaviour, but some weeks after the birth her husband started beating her, while she still held their child. At this point the writer says she realized that her child was in danger, "it was no longer a question of just me", and left immediately.
 The child was seven weeks old when [my husband] for the first time [after the birth] attacked me. My heart leapt because now it was no longer a question of just me. The worst was that the baby just then was on my lap so as to be "burped". Not even this stopped him! It was now that I for the first time seriously realised the danger that lay ahead! If he could not control himself in front of his small new-born baby, what would ever stop him? (KLiv 95, born 1943)

The writer makes it clear that she is aware that leaving her husband was not solely beneficial to her son and that she is aware of the general belief that growing up without a father can be harmful to a boy:
 There were so many questions that I asked myself. Was I hurting the child, when I in this way robbed him of his father? He, the little one, could after all not affect this decision. I knew that he probably would experience that he almost had no father, so little contact did [my husband] have with the boy's half-brother who was five years older. Now I would, through my decision,  rob him of daily contact with his son, another man. I had no one in my small family who could act as "pretend father". My brother lived mostly in another area and I had only sporadic contact with him. I did not have any male friends who I could turn to in order to be able to provide some sort of male model for the child. Would I manage to prepare a varied enough upbringing for a child, a boy, as a single woman? I thought about this a lot and realised that it would be a problem. (KLiv 95, born 1943)

These two writers left their husbands in order to protect their children from a depraved life and from violence.

Many of the other writers, who in the end did not leave their husbands, took steps towards divorce, either moving away from home or filing for divorce, but in the end returned. They present their concern for the well-being of their children as a reason for their intentions of leaving:
 I and the children felt ourselves neglected, the shared moments and work between family members became all the more infrequent, besides these moments were characterized by stress, nervousness, fighting. (KLiv 14, born 1924)

 I started to think more and more about divorce. Everyone suffered because of our conflicts. I knew that it was wrong but I could not manage any longer. It would be better for the both of us if I moved out. I started organizing the divorce papers without telling anyone. I had decided that I would move out. (KLiv 112, born 1947)

 Also the children started to suffer from the disharmony even though this was seldom, as my husband showed himself very rarely at home. (KLiv 119, born 1956)

As will be shown in the following section, the writers present the well-being of their children also as a reason for in the end remaining in their marriage. This shows that what is best for children is not always self-evident, as many of the writers feel that their children would have suffered both if their parents stayed together and fought, and if they divorced.

The two writers who describe themselves and their husbands as incompatible and make the decision to divorce use their own individual happiness as a reason for leaving. There are, however, significant differences in how they are able to justify their decision on account of their children, which I attribute to the thirty-year gap between the events described. The first writer gave custody of their child to her husband, since she felt powerless to do otherwise. She had caused a scandal and broken against the norms of motherhood by leaving her husband and child in the 1950s, and was socially inferior compared to her husband. This left her little to bargain with when it came to the custody of her child. She implicitly accepts, or accepted at the time, the blame placed on her, apparently by her husband, and offers this as an explanation for why she agreed to leave her child:
 In November 1948 I wandered out from [my husband's] villa with minimal baggage – not much that was there was mine – after having promised him that he could keep [our son] with him. It was after all I who was unnatural and egoistic and furthermore impractical. He had persuaded me that he with his resources could better take care of the child than I could, we would co-operate over everything else. (KLiv 71, born 1920)

This writer sees that she paid the ultimate price of losing her child in order to gain fulfillment in her life. She says that she could not have gone on living the life she was living, in social circles not her own, with a husband who did not understand who she really was, and without intellectual stimulation. This episode in the writer's life is described in painful terms; painful both for the writer and those around her, especially for her child and her mother:
 It was not only [my son] who was affected by my actions – it is not too much to say that this destroyed mother. Had I continued to live within her periphery she would have been able to bear the grief and scandal. (KLiv 71, born 1920)

The second writer left her husband in the 1980s. By this time it was more acceptable for a wife to leave her husband on grounds of irreparable breakdown, and the writer was secure in her knowledge that her financial situation was good enough to support her children. She gives her good salary as one reason why she could divorce, since she had witnessed how her mother had been trapped in a marriage with an alcoholic because she could not have survived financially on her own. As many other writers, also this writer says that she contemplated continuing her marriage for the sake of her children, but that in the end she decided that they would not benefit from living with two warring parents:
 I thought for long that I should keep our marriage together for the sake of the children, but after many weeks of contemplation I realized that in that case I would be doing the wrong thing. Children do not thank you afterwards for having done it and they cannot have a secure upbringing if the relationship between their parents does not work. (KLiv 48, born 1944)

There is not the same feeling of guilt here as in the previous life story. For one thing, this writer felt it her automatic right to receive custody over her children, which she also did. For her, leaving her husband represents an act of independence and courage, one she does not regret: "Once I had made up my mind, I realized it was the best decision in my life." (KLiv 48, born 1944). The writer goes on to describe the surge of energy she felt after the difficult period of coming to a decision over her marriage, and how she quickly managed to organize all the practical matters related to her divorce.

So far, these life stories could be used as proof for Giddens' (1992) thesis that marriages today are based not on tradition, but on the pure relationship. In the life stories, the writers recount how their personal unhappiness and dissatisfaction with their relationship led them to consider divorce. This is indeed what the concept of the pure relationship entails: once the relationship no longer affords gratification for the persons involved, the basis of the relationship has disintegrated and the relationship is terminated. However, as I will show below, that the writers view their relationship with their husband as pure, does not automatically entail that they view their marriage in the same light. For them, there are other, often more important, reasons for keeping the marriage intact or terminating it even after the pure relationship has died. For the writers, marriage is more than the relationship between themselves and their husband—it is the glue that keeps their family together.
 

Reasons for Staying

In the life stories where the husband is described as violent or alcoholic, the writers use their emotions and feelings of love towards their husband as a reason for staying—even the two writers who eventually divorced stayed with their husband for years. The husband's violence or alcoholism has dented these emotions, but the emotional bond does not completely disappear. Good times are described by the writers, and how these helped keep emotions alive:
 At times there were calmer periods, a few weeks, months. Hope returned: imagine if we after all could build a future for us. We had our love after all. Did we? Was this love? (KLiv 95, born 1943)

 The difficulties at home did not get better with time. In pure desperation I took my belongings and moved away from [my husband], even twice, but always returned. The ties were strong, we had been married for so long, and of course there were still feelings, also on my part. (KLiv 116, born 1921)

The writers also present their husbands' promises to mend their ways as a reason for continuing with their marriage:
 And then all the straws! He said that it was the last time! He will never, ever lift his hand against me. He promised. Begged for forgiveness. He begged me to come back. He cried and begged. This straw was enough for me. And I accepted it each time. Time after time. Only to once again after a while be equally disappointed. (KLiv 95, born 1943)

 [My husband] promised sacredly never to drink again. He stopped smoking also and we bought a house. Six years went well, I thought. [My husband] started drinking again. He blamed it on the lack of jobs… (KLiv 9, born 1949)

The husband as a character seems divided in these life stories. On the one hand, he is the man who drinks or is violent, while on the other hand he is the man the writer fell in love with and continues to have feelings for. His pleadings are presented; he cares for the writer also. The writers say it is difficult to leave a man one loves.

None of the writers who stayed with their violent and/or alcoholic husband say that their husband would have hit their children—indeed one expressly says that he did not: "But the children's father was mostly nice towards them, and that helped a lot" (KLiv 108, born 1935). Another writer praises her husband's parenting, despite him having caused her misery through his drinking and long absences from home:
 [H]e was a wonderful father when he was one. We always said Quality before quantity!! (KLiv 119, born 1956)

The same writer repeats this sentiment at the end of her life story, emphasizing how important it was for her that her children had a good father:
 My husband is a very good father and this is very important since the children are the biggest piece of me. (KLiv 119, born 1956)

But there are also other reasons for why so many of the writers with alcoholic and/or violent husbands remained married. Some writers recount how they gradually isolated themselves from friends and family in order to hide the fact that their husband drank and/or beat his wife. The writers seem to in effect have painted themselves into a corner: by remaining silent about their husband's behaviour, they became accomplices in his drinking or violence, and found it impossible to seek outside help. It is difficult for a woman feeling isolated and alone to leave her husband:
 I became a recluse, did not want to meet friends, I even avoided people in the stairwell. I became apathetic, just sat, wanted to escape. (KLiv 14, born 1924)

 I could not really ever invite anyone home. [My husband] could have been drunk and mean. I isolated myself as an alcoholic's wife does. I have not got over this yet, I feel, even though it has happened that I have invited home a few colleagues [since my husband died]. (KLiv 9, born 1949)

 In between there were better periods as well, but I was always imprisoned. (KLiv 9, born 1949)

Some writers write about how their husband gained almost total control over their lives, controlling the writer's behaviour and actions:
 I was to do as he wanted, wished, demanded, if not for anything else then for the sake of piece at home. [ . . . ] And he got me to give him a lift into town [to go drinking]. I was like any other alcoholic's wife, again. I did as he told me to. (KLiv 9, born 1949)

 Out on the streets I walked with downcast eyes so that he would not get the idea that I knew the men who walked past us. (KLiv 95, born 1943)

One life story writer gives a vivid picture of her life as an alcoholic's wife, depicting the feelings of helplessness and imprisonment that prevented her from leaving her husband:
 To be torn inside, to not trust anyone, to not develop belong to the qualities of an alcoholic's wife. No confidential relationships, only a beautiful face outwards. To sacrifice oneself to alcohol. Anxiety and feelings of guilt. This was my life for almost 25 years time. It is not easy to free oneself from that closed world and let in outsiders. It is not easy to bare one's emotions, both sorrow and happiness. It was as if I was the living dead. I cry at times but most often in secret. Fear and despair have dominated life for a long time. The battle between loathing and loyalty was hard. Life has gone past. My husband was in love with alcohol. (KLiv 9, born 1949)

Thus we see that there are other forces than positive emotions that keep a woman married to an alcoholic or violent man. She may feel incapable of leaving him and beginning a new life on her own, she may be afraid of his reprisals if she attempts to terminate the relationship, or she may feel so bogged down by her life that she sees no way out. In many of the life stories quoted above, the relationship no longer afforded any pleasure to the writer—on the contrary, it was the source of great personal pain and anxiety, and was described as a prison.

In the life stories where the relationship is described as emotionally cold or distrustful, such strong emotions, both negative and positive, as above are not presented. On the contrary, it is the lack of love, trust, and companionship that is the cause for the marital unhappiness. Children are presented as the reason for staying; the children are not to suffer:
 I have thought that I will put up with it for the sake of the children until [my youngest son] reaches 18 but he is only 12 now so we will have to see how it goes. (KLiv 62, born 1951)

 And even so our marriage has held. We celebrated our golden anniversary a few years ago. Of course I have been ready to pack my bags several times, but the children were not to suffer. I was myself a child of divorce and that experience I did not want my girls to go through. (KLiv 33, born 1922)

 But he was a good father. He had patience and played a lot with the children. (KLiv 112, born 1947)

Also the following writer, who herself fell in love with another man, decided not to divorce her husband on account of her children:
 My sister was expecting her other child so she could baby-sit and I could continue studying French at [school]. I fell deeply in love with my French teacher and he with me. He wanted me to leave my family and follow him to [France] where he had his home but I could not build a new life by making three people unhappy, I just could not leave two small children and a sick husband. Now when I look back at it I think I did the right thing even though it was a very difficult choice. (KLiv 21, born 1926)

In all of the life stories the well-being of the children become central in the arguments for staying or leaving. The life story writers wish to convince the reader that they have done what they have done with the best interests of their children in mind. The writers who stayed with their husbands did so knowing that their husband was a good father whose absence would hurt their children in the event of a divorce. Also the writers who divorced their husbands say they did so in order to ensure the well-being of their children. Some of them divorced so as to protect their children from physical harm, while one writer argues that the fights between herself and her husband were more harmful to their children than the absence of their father proved to be. Only one writer can not give her child's best interests as a reason for her divorce, and indeed her account of her decision is a pained one. Most of the writers thus present their marital decisions as those of a mother, not as those of an independent individual, thus negating the argument that modern individualism has paved the way to the death of traditional family values and even the death of the traditional family as an institution. As Gerris (1994) argues, changes in ideological climates such as an increase in individualism do not necessarily lead to direct changes in how people live in and think about their own family.

In Family Obligations and Social Change (1989), Janet Finch presents her thesis over the change in family obligations that has occurred in contemporary Western societies. She proposes that family relationships and obligations are negotiated commitments rather than taken-for-granted responsibilities—family relationships have to nowadays be worked out. Indeed, the life story writers in the present material view their marital relationships as relationships that need work and that do not come naturally. In this sense, their obligations towards their husbands are negotiated. Yet, how the writers present their obligations towards their children cannot be interpreted in a similar way. The responsibilities that the writers take upon themselves as mothers reflect more the traditional taken-for-granted feelings of obligation that mothers were supposed to feel towards their children.

In 1972 Bernard (1972, 96) said that in the United States "the current trend seems to be in the direction of commitment for only as long as the relationship between the partners is a good one". Similar opinions on the impermanence of contemporary marriages have been expressed in Finland (e.g., Sinkkonen 1998), and are the implied message in Giddens' (1991; 1992) and Beck's (1992) theses on detraditionalization. Such a view does not hold true for the life stories analyzed here. Instead, they portray women who have stuck with unhappy relationships, sometimes for decades, often in order to ensure what they think would be in the best interests of their children. In this sense, the existence of a ‘modern' relationship between husband and wife is not enough to make divorce ‘easier'. Other traditional values pertaining to the family, mainly the responsibility a mother has towards her children, can play a more significant role in how people view their families and familial relationships.
 

Conclusions

In the violent and alcoholic marriages, the writers describe very strong emotions—both negative and positive—while the writers who have "grown apart" from their husbands describe a lack of emotional intimacy. Consider the relationship dynamics of these two types of marriages. In the violent and alcoholic marriages, the writer describes herself and her husband as emotionally involved, albeit often negatively. Couples who have grown apart have very little in common. The basis of their marital relationship is therefore gone, and the question remains, why they should stay together. This is where the individualistic character of modern marriages, the pure relationship (Giddens 1991), becomes visible. In the life stories, marriage is based on emotions – these must be present for the writers to feel that their marriage is worth going on with. However, the severing of this emotional bond is not always viewed as sufficient reason by the life story writers to end their marriage.

Children are central in all the life stories, in that the writers use the well-being of their children as a justification for their decisions about continuing or discontinuing their marriage. However, the familial framework becomes apparent in different ways in the two groups of life stories. In the violent and alcoholic life stories it is the relationship between husband and wife that keeps the marriage going, as long as the writer feels that her children are safe. In the life stories that describe growing apart, it is not the relationship between husband and wife that is the glue of the marriage, but the family form. These writers feel that it is of the utmost importance that their children live in a family with two parents, and the writers present themselves as mothers who are willing to provide their children with this two-parent family at the cost of their own marital satisfaction. In summary, in the violent and alcoholic relationships, it is the ties that bind husband and wife that keep them together, and the well- being of their children that separate them. In the life stories where the writers describe having grown apart from their husband, it is the well-being of their children that keep the marriage intact. These different frameworks are shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Justifications used by the writers for their marital decisions.

Problem: Violence/alcoholism   Growing apart

Solution: Divorce Remain  Divorce Remain

Argument: Children's  Relationship  Relationship Children's
  well-being (individualism) (indiv.)  well-being
  (familialism)      (familialism)

Figure 1. shows how the wives of violent and alcoholic men use familial arguments for divorce, while the writers of the other group of life stories use such arguments for remaining. And vice versa: individualistic arguments for remaining are used by the writers with violent and alcoholic husbands, while the writers who have grown apart use such arguments to explain why they divorced.

The writers act within a particular ideological framework, that of the dominant family ideology in Finland, which states, among other things, that two parents are better than one, and that marriages are based on emotions. The writers implicitly accept the nuclear family ideology and wish to present themselves and their actions within this framework. All of the writers except one do manage to do this by presenting their children as central, and by presenting their acts as acts of mothers, not of individual women. This means that nuclear family ideology is viewed as culturally valid by the life story writers. The content of familialism might shift to include individualistic traces, but nevertheless, the fears of the crumbling family or ideology of familialism seem unfounded, at least in Finland.

The life stories show, as Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (1996, 25) have proposed, that detraditionalization does not entail that individuals live in a vacuum, since even in contemporary societies regulations continue to exist. What is new, is that "individuals must, in part, supply them [regulations] for themselves, import them into their biographies through their own actions" (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim 1996, 25). It is significant that the life story writers in the present study have imported rather traditional ideals about motherhood and family into their own biographies.

There are traces of the pure relationship in how the life story writers view their marital relationships, but these are in most cases overridden by traditional constraints when it comes to the question of divorce. Such traditional beliefs are, for instance, that children should grow up with two parents, and that a mother's priority must be the well-being of her children. While the marital relationship in some life stories is described as pure, this is not true of how the writers view their relationship with their children. Furthermore, pure relationships do not happen in a vacuum. In the life stories in the present study, they are embedded within a familial framework, where other considerations, other relationships, often take precedence. Here lies an apparent contradiction between a modern view of adult relationships and a traditional view of parent-child relationships. However, as Adam (1996, 142) puts it, "[i]nstead of binary thinking we need code combinations and code syntheses, ‘neither-nor' approaches as others; we need to embrace uncertainty, ambiguity and multiple meanings". Rather than positioning tradition and modernity, familialism and individualsim, as opposites, the life stories in the present study show how the pure relationship can co-exist with traditional familial norms.
 

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Anna Rotkirch
University of Helsinki
anna.rotkirch@helsinki.fi
 

Shame, promiscuity and social mobility

 in Russian autobiographies from working poor milieus


Paper presented at the 4th European Conference of Sociology, RN1 : Biographical Perspectives on European Societies. Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, August 18-21, 1999.

**Preliminary version - not to be quoted without permission by the author!**

 1  Discussing the margins
  Workers, lyumpen and the rest
 2. Postwar promiscuity
  Ivanov, the taxi driver
   Problems of reliability
  Fallen women and social ascent
  Sexual blat and prostitution
  From muzhik to knight
 3. Suburban gang culture
  In the cellar
  Attemps of social ascent
  Misogyny and male bonding
4.  Concluding comparisons
From culturation to blurred mobility
  Milieus and subcultures
 

Abstract

This paper will look at two descriptions of poor and socially marginal milieus from different generations. ‘Mikhail Ivanov’ (born in 1935) tells about incest and sexual blat relations in the 1950s and ‘Aleksei Lukashin’ (born ca 1960) about Leningrad suburban gang and rock cultures in the 1970s. These autobiographies belong to a corpus of 47 materials, collected in an autobiographical competition in St Petersburg in 1996. They clearly differed from the rest of the material and were for me personally among the most unexpected and shocking to read.
 Ivanov’s life draws a quite classical picture of the class journey from poor, marginalised worker to well-to-do upper working class. Just like in the worker’s autobiographies from one century earlier, male self control was seen as part of a rising social position (Maynes 1995, 135). Although Ivanov depicts a seemingly amoral world, the fact remains that he himself was deeply morally affected by it. The parallels between middle class morality and social ascent are explicitly drawn by Ivanov himself throughout the text. He willingly followed the path of okulturyvanie, adopting stricter sexual norms after starting out from a situation that was rather akulturnyi than nekulturnyi.
 Lukashin, by contrast, has had to let go of his initial (albeit diffuse) dreams of becoming a doctor. Like Ivanov, Lukashin describes sexual blat relations. In the beginning, such affairs added to his status in the working collective, but they were not integral to them. But in the late 1980s, when Lukashin worked in a private sauna, his sexual affairs moved to the center of the picture and the promiscuity appears as a central feature of the establishment itself.
 Ivanov’s life story evolved away from an a-cultural setting to established Soviet middle class life, while Lukashin’s biography is more blurred: his social status remains undefined, and his excessive sexuality moves into the center of his professional life. The evolution from Ivanov’s blat relations to Lukashin’s semiopen prostitution are evidence of the economic and structural dynamics. The traditional Russian and Soviet way of social ascent through education was at least momentarily blurred. Parallelly, behavior that was semiofficial entered professional life.  These developments also affected men, which is not to say that they were gender symmetrical. On the contrary, Lukashin’s deliberate misogyny is a good example of the attitude that also entered the public sphere together with the generation of the 1970s.
 

1. Discussing the margins

Workers, lyumpen’, and the rest
Poverty and social marginality have received little attention in Soviet studies. A silenced phenomenon in official Soviet discourse, the illegal migrants, beggars, working poor and their culture became one primary "other" for urban educated Soviet citizens. In the rhetoric of perestroika, they were often disdainfully referred to as the lyumpeny or the lumpenproletariat, and swthe supposedly lacking, or at least vanishing, civilization and education in Russia was referred to as lyumpenizatsiia of the country.
 As in many other cases, the "otherness" of little qualified workers is here characterized by two traits - demonization and trivialization. On the one hand, they are called nekulturnye lyudi, or children from "families with many children" (mnogodetnye sem’i): the uncivilized, drinking, violent, animal-like, amoral and sexually promiscuous. Many autobiographies of children from educated families are "implicitly contrasting their own behavior with that which they believed to be characteristic of the popular milieus surrounding them" (Maynes 1996, 148) For instance, one woman describes learning early about sexual things from other kids on he street, and playing advanced and consciously daring doctor games. She stopped when a girl from a cultural family disapproved of her behavior.  (Woman, professional education, born in 1946, nr 11)
 On the other hand, the way of life of these popular milieus is seen as so embarrassingly simple as to be uninteresting. When Alexandra Chistyakova’s life story was published and then nominated for the Russian Booker prize in 1998, the major part of the Russian mass media questioned the relevance of her testimony. Although comprehensive life stories about Russian peasant / working women  had scarcely been published in Russia before, Chistyakova’s testimony of famine, social struggle, illegal abortions, alcoholism, and family violence was discarded as something that ‘everybody knows’ and that would ‘interest only Western feminists’. (Savkina, personal communication, February 1998)
 Neither have Russian or Western scholars had much interest, or adequate access, to the poor and marginal groups of the population. It is still utterly unclear who belonged to such "groups" and how extensive they were.
 The difficulty of any discussion of social margins and lower social groups is connected to the class problem of Soviet society. The Stalinist "2 and 1/2" formula, which divided the socialist society into workers, peasants and the intelligentsia, remains the dominating one in both vernacular and academic thinking about Soviet Russia, with the addition of the Soviet elite classes or "nomenclature" as a fourth stratum. These categories are not so much classes in a socioeconomic sense as peculiar forms of quasi- or proto-estates, the adherence to which was decided by the Soviet state (Fitzpatrick 1993). Furthermore, they superficially united professionally, politically and economically distinct and in some cases even potentially antagonistic social groups. Thus Fitzpatrick (ibid., 766) underlines how the category of the Soviet ‘intelligentsia’ merged "the old ‘employees’ category with both the /pre-Revolutionary/ intelligentsia and the Communist administrative elite to form a single white-collar conglomerate".
 The same problem overshadows any discussion of Soviet "workers", and especially the working poor. Soviet categorizations made additional distinctions into high, semi- and low skilled workers. But especially the two lower groups were actually supposed to cover culturally very different groups: from semi-agrarian communities, migrant limichiki workers and ex-convicts to factory workers of the second or third generation with a basically middle class life style.  Detailed research has been made to classify the working classes through their power and status at the Soviet work place (Wright 198*, Kivinen 1998). Neither of these work-place-related classifications seem provide direct transitions to the question that interests me here, namely, the question of the ways of life of the economically and culturally poor.
 The conceptual vagueness of "the masses" persists in today’s Russia. While sociologists of the 1990s struggled to determine the extensions and criteria of the new middle class, the categorization of the "rest" - the classes under them - was at least just as problematic. In the model by Tatyana Zaslavskaya, one of Russia’s leading sociologists, over half of the population are "people", with one tenth as the "bottom" - presumably the homeless, the criminals, and so on. In Timo Piirainen’s classification, the lower rest is called the "proletariat" and amounts to forty per cent.
  For lack of better concepts, then, I will here refer to the working poor or the lower social classes. In the two cases below, much needed information, e.g. about the education and occupation of parents or partners, is absent. As I have myself no direct experience of similar milieus and as these life stories have little support in other autobiographies of my material, I am relying more on the single texts themselves than what is the case in the other chapters. These testimonies belong to what Mary Jo Maynes has described as the seemingly patternless stories that defy and question categorization. She stresses the importance of including such texts, as they "hint at the many lives that never culminated in autobiography" (Maynes 1996, 150). In the case of Soviet Russia, we may still add a "yet".
 

7.2. Postwar promiscuity

Ivanov the taxi driver, born 1935
‘Mikhail Ivanov’s’ autobiography is lengthy - almost 80 double-spaced pages - and covers his whole life course. Born in 1935, he lost his father in the war in 1942 and grew up with his widowed mother and elder sister. After the seventh grade he started studying at the age of 16 at a vocational training school. His sister finished ten grades and then studied at an agricultural institute. Their mother advised her daughter to contend herself with a lower education at a technikum level, but Mikhail’s sister refused to even consider that option, showing clear signs of social ambition. The sister left the family and later moved, together with her husband, away from Leningrad. Mikhail served in the army in 1954-1957, after which he started working as a chauffeur for a larger enterprise. In 1959, he married Raia, his first wife, with whom he had two children in the early 1960s. His mother died of cancer in the uterus in 1961.
 In the second half of the 1960s, Mikhail divorced Raia and married Ksenya, with whom he was still living at the writing moment in 1996. He also adopted Ksenya’s daughter from a previous marriage. Towards the end of his first marriage he changed work place and became a taxi driver. Although he probably still continues with this in both Soviet and post-Soviet conditions quite lucrative work, he complains of scare financial resources.
 Ivanov’s two first homes - that of his childhood and of his first marriage - constitute the main bulk of his autobiography. Both families were milieu of material and cultural poverty, which the young Mikhail repeatedly tried to escape from. His relatives and friends worked as doormen, factory workers, saleswomen and portiers. In one family which is enviously described, the wife works as dvornik "because of the apartment zhilplosh" while her husband was a doorman in the famous restaurant Metropol. They lived well as they could by "bought crystal, gold, silver, everything from drunkards". These are lower working class people, often migrants and the first generation of leningraders. They were culturally marginalized, albeit not necessarily any longer materially poor during the last decades of the Soviet regime.
 Ivanov gives "thick" descriptions of various everyday situations, for instance the customary heavy drinking (although he proudly notes denying alcohol if he had to drive afterwards, "if I had to work the next day, I was always in form, and almost always sober"). He also describes his working career, but mostly through his sexual relationships at work. They are, in turn, merely a subtheme of the main, overshadowing subject of this autobiography: the lack of  life control - which is equated with lack of sexual life control - and the opposite aspirations for better living conditions and a "normal" family life.
 

Problems of reliability

Throughout his life, Ivanov tells about having been seduced, exploited or practically raped by family members, women neighbors, his wife’s girlfriends, and female colleagues. From the age of seventeen, Mikhail had various sexual experiences with girls, but his first fulfilled sexual intercourse was with his mother. Their incestuous relationship continued until after he finished his army service and moved away from home. When he married his first wife, it was much due to the activities of his mother-in-law, who is said repeatedly having tried to seduce him, and with whom he eventually had a sexual relationship towards the end of his first marriage.
 This autobiography caused the only greater disagreement between me and the Russian scholars involved in the research project. The three Russians who originally read the text found it an exceptionally rich, interesting and totally believable story.  I was, on the contrary, for the first time inclined to suspect the authenticity of the related events. But the Russian readers pointed out that the living milieus, described characters, street addresses, and work relations were most convincingly described. We agreed to award this autobiograhy one of the jury’s special prizes. After our discussions and after having repeatedly read the text, I have come to specify and limit my objections into three points, all of them related specifically to the depiction of female sexuality.
 First, this autobiography has unusually much dialogue in the form of direct quotations. This is not a common nor advisable device for autobiographical writing, as one seldom remembers the exact wordings of sentences uttered twenty or thirty years ago (Roos 1999). But it is especially problematic as many of the quotes in Ivanov’s autobiography are put in the mouths of women, all of whom are sexually uninhibited and actively desiring personalities (only the second wife, Ksenya, modifies the overall picture by being attributed with an indifferent attitude to sex later in their marriage). The dialogue is also written in the vocabulary of pornographic stories, like in this excerpt of the mother talking to teenager Mikhail: "You, my son, have really got a big one, not all men have such a big one, you’ll reach the girls even in the womb, and well, I wouldn’t say no to that myself..."
 Second, some sexual events repeat themselves suspiciously often. One is the theme of mother-son (or mother-daughter) incest. Mikhail’s best boyfriend during his teenage years is said to have told him how he "fucked his mother as well, and she is very content with that, and I don’t forget my sister either"; later one woman friend at work told him how she had "made a man" out of her son. Another key scene is Mikhail seeing a woman he loves and desires making love to another man. Such voyeuristic scenes take place with his mother, his school teacher, his first girlfriend Galya, and with his first wife Raia. The repetitions are, while psychologically understandable, difficult to relate to as sociological evidence.
 Third, women’s sexuality is depicted according to physiological stereotypes common in pornographic literature. In addition to explicitly explaining what they want and how, and commenting aloud on intercourse while it’s taking place, practically all Mikhail’s partners regularly have multiple orgasms during which they "let out juices". These formulations can be interpreted as pure exaggeration or, more diplomatically, as merely an attachment to a certain sexual vocabulary. But similar behavior has not been confirmed in empirical research on women’s sexuality (e.g. Hite*). I have not included or discussed the sexual techniques or orgasmic sensations depicted in the other autobiographies. Therefore this objection mostly served to strengthen my suspicions in the first two instances.
 On each of these three points, the author’s way of describing events can be interpreted as more or less phantasmagoric. Even if the events actually took place, which is not impossible, they have been retold according to a (subconscious?) pattern of repetition and in a specific pornographic vocabulary, which make any generalizations about Soviet social sexual practices problematic.
 My solution has been to relate the social interactions and their environments - the realm of the habitual - depicted by the narrator, assuming they are basically adequately rendered. For example, I render the descriptions of contraceptive devices and domestic abortions described in the autobiography. They do not follow a usual pornographic rhetoric and sound believable. But I have avoided quoting and relating to the dialogic "excerpts" of what the women surrounding Ivanov supposedly said about sex and desire. I do not want to exclude the possibility that Soviet women in some milieus may have expressed themselves and behaved like that, but I think it highly improbable. In any case, I would wait until we have at least some kind of similar evidence from women themselves. Only one recurrent theme in Mikhail’s sex talk with women, that of breast milk, will be discussed in connection with his views on masculinity - that is, inside the realm of interpretations to which they undeniably do belong.
 

Fallen women and social ascent

Ivanov’s social mobility follows a path from the suburb of Pargolovo* to the center of Leningrad, through successive apartment changes and gradually improving housing conditions. The autobiography opens with a description of the family’s deplorable material situation during the war years.
/I/t is better not to think about how we managed - like everybody else. ... ...we were moved to a small one-store house, who after they had moved the Finns out  became a zhaktovyj domik* The little house was divided into two parts, and we got one room as earlier, although this one was smaller, and a kitchen, and two storage rooms, we did not have much furniture - a table, some chairs, two stools, and two single beds which we seldom used. A couple of big and wide barrack-beds were patched together in the room, and we slept on them all the three of us under one big blanket, it was warmer that way. We did not have enough firewood for the winter, somehow we managed to heat, we probably burnt everything that could be burnt.
Mikhail married inside this poor milieu. With his first wife, they shared a wooden house without any facilities with her sister, brother and mother. Raia and her mother work at the Metalloprodukt factory, making agricultural machinery. In 1960, a comission checked their living conditions and the family received a room of ten square meters from the new dwelling houses of the factory in which the women were working. "This was a real blessing", he notes: now they had an in-door toilet, although the heating was still made with wood. Mikhail, Raia and their children moved to this apartment, but they continued to be in geographical and social proximity to Raia’s mother. Ivanov describes the mother-in-law as the central and supporting force, especially in the beginning of his marriage. All family members gave her their salary. When a new wood shed proved too small, it was she who arranged a tractor-load with old boards, out of which they built a new shed. She was the one who provided the household with fire wood, or the young couple with condoms; and when her daughter soon after the wedding became pregnant for the first time, she told her how to provoke a miscarriage.
 After the second move, the family’s material situation was already somehow satisfying. For instance, Mikhail was not pressuring his (in his view, lazy) wife to return to her wage work, as "we still had enough money". A few years later, the family received an apartment in the center of Leningrad, at Grazhdanskii prospekt. They got two rooms and kitchen, central heating, hot water, a bathroom and a separate WC. "My god, what a miracle - you don’t need to prepare wood, carry water and carry the waste water out." Mikhail’s mother-in-law and her other two children also received a two-bedroom-apartment.
 After divorcing his first wife, Mikhail left their apartment to her and their children and moved in with his second wife, her daughter and mother in a three-room apartment, also situated in the city center. We are not told the occupation of his second wife, but it is clear the second marriage continued and stabilized his improving social status. It is through Ksenya that Mikhail finally escaped both the material and moral stigma of his first two families, although the past returned as a dividing issue between the spouses later in their marriage.
 Parallelly with the story of escaping material poverty runs the description of escaping moral stigma and sexual promiscuity, condensed in the figures of Mikhai’ls mother and his first wife.
 In the late 1940s, Mikhail’s mother started to work in a military unit that occupied his family’s previous house. The neighbor woman they shared their new dwelling with also worked there, and both women received soldiers who "gave them food products" and were their lovers.
 At the age of fourteen, after Mikhail got drunk for the first time, the son’s relationship with his mother became explicitly sexual, involving kisses, petting and her giving abundant advice about how to do things with girls in the right way. The boy was highly ambivalent about his whole life situation. On the one hand, he tells us he trusted and admired his mother. This is, for instance, how he describes his feelings after one of their first sexual encounters: "In the morning everything was fine. After that I did not taste wine for a long time and started to relate tenderly to my mother - how wise and good wasn’t she, after all." Also their first intercourse, when Mikhail is about seventeen years old, is described as a happy event.
So my mother got up, took off her night gown, put in a /contraceptive/ pill and lied naked in the bed. I pressed myself against her breasts and started to suck the nipples, squeezing the tits, my mother was swooning. ... She was content with me, and I was in high spirits. That is how I was my mother’s man for the first time, and neither was it the last. ... In the morning I woke up in a good mood. After breakfast both of us went to do our own business. I did not tell anybody about this event, not even Oleg, and now I am for the first time in many years depicting this story.
But both before and after the first seduction Mikhail describes how he was "unwilling" and "disgusted" to go to sleep in the same bed with his mother, or even to go near her. He was often depressed and desperate, "it was all so difficult and disgusting, I became mad at everybody. It is hard for me to describe all my worries." From the age of seventeen, Mikhail started to detach himself from his mother. He notes that he had then become older and "perhaps got more sense in the head". His studies provided a way out of the intimacy and the drinking his mother enticed him into:
I started to develop a different attitude towards sexual life, and to life in general, I started to get irritated by the persistent girls and the men that came to our house. As a rule, they all brought vodka with them. My mother was drinking with them, and they offered me to drink. I got drunk a few times. But when I woke up a saw the house was a mess (bardak). My mother sank morally, and I did not even want to talk with her anymore, not only not to go to sleep in her bed. But when there were no men next to her she asked me to lie with her again, she said that she cannot do without men, that she wants all the time, and she was crying. I felt sorry for her, and the drinking made me feel sick, especially the next morning. I was afraid of the hang-overs because I had to study, to work, and I started to run away in order not to take part in the drinking. I dived head first into my studies.
Mikhail graduated from his vocational school and started to work in a factory. Through his new acquaintances, he further re-evaluated (pereosoznat’) many things related to families and morality. The connection between material and moral standards is almost seamless in the following reflection:
After having visited my friends, who lived in the city even if in communal apartments (and some - in separate apartments), I understood what kind of (khalupa) I was living. My friends did not have to think about getting wood, fetching water and emptying buckets with waste water, or running out on the street to the toilet**. And I also saw other kinds of family relations, I learned to know many good girls, who were shy to change clothes in front of me, where shy to show their precious parts, and who blushed if something awkward happened. Those girls did not offer their kisses and did not let themselves be kissed TOO daringly - they either pushed you away, or ran away, and avoided being alone with you after that. This made me feel both more light-hearted, and more gloomy. I did not want to go home at all, and I tried to stay overnight at my friends’ place.
The army service was welcomed as a way of escape.
On the factory we had a wonderful sport collective/group with our own sport basis*, where you could do sports in winter and in summer and occasionally stay overnight. Looking at such families I understood that we had completely abnormal relations with my mother, she was both a mother to me and not a mother, but a mere woman, female and drunkard, and that started to torment me. Now I only waited for the day when I would go to the army, everything else went to a secondary plan.
Mikhail obtained a chauffeur’s license while preparing for his army service, which he started in 1953. He was satisfied with his experiences and says the army occupied him totally: "The most important thing was that there were no women." Also his social ambitions were supported. He entered the sergeant school, and was looked up to: "I was the only one with a seven year education and I counted as being from Leningrad" .
 But on the second year in the army his mother came to visit him. "So mother came, like snow on the head in the middle of summer". With her, "women" and sexuality entered his army life, literally ending it. Ivanov describes his mother having intercourse with two of his superiors on the way to the hotel were mother and son were going to spend his leave together. When he reproached her, she explained that she did it only because it was in his interests. Indeed, only two months after her visit he was prematurely demobilized in 1956, which he thinks was due to his mothers contacts. After that, however, he ended the sexual relationship with his mother.
I was appalled to look at my mother, my own mother. She started to drink, smoke and lead a whore’s life. Soon after my demobilization /from the army/ she gave birth, but the child died in the hospital. I do not know why, and neither was I interested, I had my life and she had hers.
Towards the end of the 1950s Ivanov’s mother became increasingly alcoholized. "...she had stopped hiding that different men came to her, brought something to drink, and she paid them with her body". Mikhail knew he had to arrange his life. First he started working, and then he soon met his future wife, Raia, on a dancing* place in the suburb where he lived. He became infatuated with her and first perceived of her as a suitably nice and decent woman. Raia had an older brother and younger sister who, "...characteristically, were all born from different fathers. I learned that a little later, but at the moment I was not thinking about that, and I did not know." Raia was not drinking vodka at that time, but her mother liked drinking. She got cross when Raia refused alcohol and objected that is was always all right to take a little at dinner - "This also made me unhappy, but it became clear only after quite a while."
 The couple dated following the norms of Soviet romantic courtship. For a long time Mikhail was not allowed to kiss Raia. "I was not insisting. but in the end she kissed me herself, I had brought her flowers, and then we started kissing all the time, but things did not go further than that." The couple started disagreeing, but Mikhail remained infatuated: "We started to quarrel about anything and nothing, but I was still drawn to her like a magnet."
  During this period of ‘pure’ dating, Mikhail had sex with Raia’s friend. While later moralizing over his mothers and his wife’s behavior, he is here describing his own premarital sexual relations in a neutral and non-judging way. Raia’s friend told him Raia was more experienced than she had let him understand, but he refused to believe such rumors. Mikhail also visited his mother’s acquaintance, who worked as a portier in a obshchezhitie and could arrange for some girl to come and spend time with him. "The girl knew why she was brought there, and without words or preludes she either undressed or merely took her trousers off". We are not told whether Mikhail paid these girls, and the woman arranging the meetings is said to have asked him only for sexual favors "in exchange", which he refused. Probably, the woman got some kind of material rewards for her services.
 If Mikhail first thought well of Raia, Raia’s mother is from the start described as the intriguing and driving force. Ivanov admires her ability to arrange things, but was also repelled by her sexual advances and her determination to get him as an in-law; he would later accuse her of literally using spells in order to bewitch him. One evening during their dating period, she is told to have made Mikhail and Raia drink and put them to sleep together in the woodshed. Ivanov says that the mother thus directly encouraged him to take her daughter’s virginity, after which he would be obliged to marry her. Another time, he noticed that the cellar was full of wine, vodka and moonshine. Raia’s mother explained that it was for the wedding. "I had not even started to think about marriage, but I was already being married."
 Mikhail eventually married Raia in 1959 and moved in with his wife’s family. After the birth of their second child the marriage started falling apart. Like his mother, Raia started smoking, drinking, and talking openly about her affairs on the side. "She knew I did not like that women smoked or drank wine, but later /her friend/ Valya taught Raia to smoke too, and they started to smoke and drink the two of them, and that was the beginning of the end of our family life (I talk and write ahead now)." Mikhail felt trapped:
I openly blamed my mother-in-law. There was nothing I could do. I could not leave the children and break up the family, so I had patience for the time being, I said, "it was you who married me to your daughter, why did you bewitch me, why?" And there was nothing she could say in reply. ... I was fed up with everything: my work, my family, but you have to preserve the family because of the children (no semju nado hranit radi detej). But you can change your work place. So, weighed down by my work ... I quit and started working as a taxi driver.
Once again, a change in Mikhail’s public life gave him some sense of life control. Earlier this sense came through his studies and army service, now it was through a new job. But in the private sphere, his helplessness grew. It culminated when Raia started expecting a third child, the paternity of which he was uncertain about.
I did not know anything about this pregnancy, neither did my mother-in-law. We learnt about it when her stomach was visibly big. Everything happened in silence, once again nobody knew what to do. We started to wait for the third child, and I did not know whose it was.
It was too late for an official abortion and this time Raia failed in her usual attempts to "get rid of it herself". But the child was still-born and evidently had malformations - Mikhail never learned the details. He was interrogated by the doctor, who eventually refrained from raising charges, "although it was obviously a crime. It seems Raia had also confessed to that." While Raia was still in the hospital after the tragic birth, Mikhail was seduced by her mother, and then he engaged in other sexual relationships.
 Soon afterwards, Mikhail fell in love with his future second wife (a friend of Raia’s sister), moved in with her and eventually applied for divorce. In this third family setting he finally managed to escape from "loose living" (besputnaia zhizn’) - the expression he uses e.g. when seeking reasons for his mother’s premature death of cancer in the uterus. In his thirties, living in the center of Petersburg in a family with "normal" relations and taking pride in handling his work tasks well, Ivanov had established himself as proper Soviet middle class.
 

Sexual ‘blat’ and prostitution

Ivanov’s autobiography is full of descriptions or mentions about sexuality as a means of exchange. It appears in two forms: prostitution and sexual blat. A specific Soviet phenomena, "blat" relations were a middle form between gift and exchange, corruption and friendship (Ledeneva 1998). Thus prostitution here denotes an exchange of sexual favors for money in a somehow organized setting, including pimps, certain places, contact persons, etc. (Of course, in many cases the line between sexual blat and prostitution is blurred.) ‘Blat’ existed as horizontal ties within circles of friends, and vertical ties between different social classes or hierarchical positions in, notably, the workplace. For instance, Ivanov describes these relations among taxi drivers: "I never suspected that money decides everything in the taxi, you have to pay to everybody and for everything with money. The result is that you become dependent of everybody." In this quote, "money" does not mean overt bribes. This is clear from the ensuing example, where Mikhail after the work day went to the central in order thank one of the telefonistka women, who had provided him with many advantageous orders during the day. "I had bought a cake (tort) and a box of chocolate and (...) was almost knocked over by laughter. Later I understood that I should have brought something to drink and cigarettes, at least Bulgarian ones /if not Western -AR/."
 Ivanov has not been involved in outright prostitution and describes it only as indirect knowledge.  For instance, he tells about an elderly woman who was his neighbor when they first moved to the factory dwelling house in 1960. She was somehow involved in court proceedings against an underground brothel. "Then it became clear to me that there were many brothels in town. I heard especially much about them while working as a taxi driver. But that happened after a long time, ten years later."
 Working as a taxi driver, Mikhail met women passengers offering themselves as payment (which he declined), or men asking him to provide them with alcohol and women.
When I told them I did not know where to get that, they would not believe I did not have any vodka nor wine and do not frequent prostitutes. But that’s how it was. It took me a long time before I learned to know (pronikat’) in the work of a taxi driver."
An outsider to prostitution in the Soviet times , Mikhail was often part of or direct witness to sexual blat relations. The visiting soldiers of his childhood and his mother’s way of getting him prematurely released from the army are the first examples in the text. Later, after returning from the army and shortly before meeting his first wife, he worked as a chauffeur in a research institute. Once he drove food to one stolovaia or work place restaurant and met the director of the place. They agreed to meet after work and eventually spent the night together. After this, Mikhail was soon called to her office:
There I was unequivocally told /by the director -AR/ that if I will at least sometimes pay Nina V. attention in a sexual way, I will get a good position in society and at my work place. Instead of answering her I embraced her shoulders, pressing her against my chest, and our mouths were united in a single passionate kiss.
While Ivanov is not prone to moralizing over his own pre- or extramarital affairs, the blat relations are condemned and described in negative ways. This is not related to the relations per se - he openly acknowledges the benefits he got from them and did not seem to mind them in the beginning. Rather, he judges the psychological discomfort and social stigma eventually created by such affairs, "it turned out I was a prostitute":
She was content, and I was also, to a certain extent - I always had enough to eat and did not have to think about my daily bread, and I got a new car, and a  better wage, and the director even appointed me as a stand-in in the buffet. So sex had such a good influence on my career and my life. But of course, that could not continue for a long time: I had to arrange my private life
... I was content with my work, I had to give attention to the director, but that was without any future prospects - I will not marry her, she is much older than I am, her daughter is already grown-up. Well, so far she is keeping herself in shape, but for how long can it continue later on, it is not such a pleasure with an old lady, but sexually I continued to satisfy her, and she did not stay indebted to me, so it turns out that I was a prostitute.
The relationship ended when the director got caught for dubious financial transactions and lost her position ("lucky me, and unlucky her"). Mikhail lost his opportunities for extra work and additional income in the work place restaurant, but he got to do more financially rewarding long distance driving*. Later a female colleague proposed an affair, to which he first objected on the grounds that "there was no love between us". She let him know that "if I want good trips and good moonlighting, I have to show her attention once in a while" and they eventually had a two-year long relationship.
 Ivanov also describes a failed blat arrangement. His sister-in-law was supposed to marry a close friend of her boyfriend, a released convict, in order to help him get a propiska in Leningrad. After they had made an application for a registration of marriage, the boyfriend demanded that she should have sex with his friend. Thus the two men deliberately confounded gender blat (marrying the friend of a friend in order to help him) with sexual blat (having intercourse with him). She refused, but her boyfriend left the apartment and let her be raped by her ‘fiancé’. In revenge, Dasha "of course did not go anywhere" - i.e., did not report to the police - but withdraw her application for marriage. This was something the two men had evidently not expected and to manage with this, she needed the support of her brother, who warned the two men from attempting any kind of repercussions from their part.
 As I have previously stressed, we have no way of knowing whether the women involved in these cases of blat did really express themselves as explicitly in reality as in the autobiography. But the relations themselves were not improbable. Neither is it surprising that, although some autobiographies written by women in my material tell about sexual blat relations with men (*cf journeys), there are no other mentions of blat where women occupy the higher position and demand sex in exchange for material favors. Ivanov’s affair with the director is a clear example of vertical blat relations, close to (but not identical with) prostitution. This gender constellation was certainly much more rare than the opposite one, if only for the reason that there were more men in middle and upper managerial positions in the Soviet Union. The secrecy and stigma attached to blat relations in general, and to sexual blat in particular, would also be highest in the case of a harassing woman. As a man, Ivanov justifies his relations by appealing to valued masculine features such as his great capacities as a lover and the attractiveness of the women who desire him. For a Soviet woman, it would be harder to present (ab)use of power and sexual initiative as part of accepted femininity.  At the same time, Ivanov also conveys his moral ambivalence and feeling of a lack of life control as the blat relationships continued.
 The other work place affair, and the related story about his sister-in-law’s failed fictive marriage, are examples of horizontal blat relations between work colleagues or friends. In Ivanov’s two experiences of sexual blat on the workplace, the biggest problem is not the rewards themselves, but the absence of feelings between the partners. Belonging to the silenced generation born in the immediate pre- and postwar years, Ivanov is typical for his emphasis that sex without love is condemnable.(cf courtship) After meeting his second wife, he refused all relationships on the side, emphasizing love and fidelity. And when yet one work colleague tried to seduce him, he notes how "I could no longer trade my consciousness, I had fallen in love with K. and could not be unfaithful to her, even with those whom I depended upon, I could no longer have sex without love. It was prostitutes who had sex and got money and presents instead of love." Also at the writing moment, he notes that his occasional passionate meetings with younger women are so rewarding, because they give him "the feeling that you are still needed, which provided an indescribably satisfaction and pride".
 Ivanov’s need of moral self presentation is also felt in the stories of refusing prostitution or other types of casual sex on the road. On long-distance* drives, he earned an additional and informal income from taking people with him (hitch-hikers)*. He notes that many women offered themselves to him, but he mostly refused as he was afraid of venereal diseases and as "sex on the road did not tempt me very much".
 The experiential triad emerging from Ivanov’s autobiography can be drawn as follows:

   Interpretation
   The reflective
   Muzhik vs Love
   A normal family life
 

Feeling             Practices
The tactile      The habitual
loneliness      incest, sexual blat
ambivalence      escaping poverty
lack of control
 

In Ivanov’s class journey, social mobility was connected with rejecting loose livings and developing "normal" family relations. The cultural clashes between poor worker’s and middle class milieus, public Soviet institutions and private complicated chaos resulted in feelings of loneliness, ambivalence and lack of life control.
 Maynes’ (1996) study of 19th century workers’ found a pattern of men’s self presentation, where sexual restraint was equated with self control and social mobility. Ivanov’s life story follows the same logic. It also features more detailed evidence of the tension between two conceptions of  masculinity, the crude muzhik and the courteous man/knight. This dilemma is crystallized in the notions of female breasts and milk.
 

From muzhik to knight

Two almost exclusive notions of masculinity are present in this story - the local brute, or muzhik, and the courteous man/knight/responsible man.
 The muzhik is from the local milieu Mikhail was brought up within. It is symbolized by his best childhood friend, Oleg. Ivanov was a lonely child who was tormented by jealousy and several times remarks that "nobody loved me when I was a boy." During the difficult times of his youth, Oleg became the one who "helped me with everything". Clearly idealized by Mikhail, Oleg first taught Mikhail how to handle girls and the main sexual vocabulary. Oleg has also had the same incestuous experience with his mother (and even his sister) as Mikhail, but talks about it without any shame. He is made to represent the harsh, commanding and highly sexual male, the muzhik who says "I never let anybody pass whom I could fuck". This type of man also appears in the already mentioned story of how Mikhail’s sister-in-law was raped. "She was against it, but as he was a man (on vse-taki muzhik), he added: ‘If you won’t undress, I’ll fuck you nevertheless and that’d just be worse for you.’ (...) he tormented /zamuchil/ her, and only when V.  returned to the apartment did he let her go."
 The second, contrasting masculine ideal of the responsible man belongs to Soviet notions of proper courtship and family life. These ideals were elaborated in the 1930s and 1940s and represented the life style of the emerging Soviet bourgeoisie (Dunham 198*). They are condensed in a statement put forward towards the end of Ivanov’s autobiography: "The preservation of the family is one the big problems of our days". Quite unexpected and unintentionally comical in this context, the declaration sounds like a direct quotation of a psychological or pedagogical ‘expert’ or headline of the 1970s or 1980s. Earlier, when Mikhail’s first marriage was falling apart, he provided similarly sounding arguments for not taking a divorce ("you have to preserve the family because of the children", ‘no semju nado khranit’ radi detej’").
 Interestingly, Ivanov does not at any point openly condemn the muzhik ideal taught to him by Oleg. At one point, Oleg destroyed Mikhail’s relations to his first girlfriend by forcing her to perform oral sex with him, an event which Ivanov witnessed and made him want to hang himself. Already in those years, Mikhail longed to distance himself from such crude manners and the text stresses the importance of love and reciprocity in sexual relations. This contradiction jumps into the eye of the reader, but is not at all commented on or elaborated by Ivanov. Although Mikhail actually behaves like a muzhik only on rare occasions. Mostly, as we have seen, he perceives of himself as the passive, insecure man being seduced. Once towards the end of his first marriage, he saw a naked young woman at a party, and "one thought overwhelmed me: how to fuck her". But even here his behavior is justified by a quote from the same girl, who commented on the infidelity with the words "they don’t have a normal family anyway now, everybody is on his own". And at a similar wild party, he remarks "..I did not fall in love with anybody and just like that, without love, I did not want to get closer to anybody, I did not even feel aroused by /the naked girls/ without their trousers on them."
 A similar contradiction appears in Ivanov’s relationship to pornographic journals. First, he disapproved of his first wife’s, Raia’s, loose morals. When she took import condoms and Western pornographic journals home, Mikhail said supposedly "take away them, I don’t want to look at naked women, and even if I want to look, I don’t want pictures". But later in life, he tells about hiding pornographic journals from their daughter as an example of his efforts to provide a strict moral upbringing.
 The ‘knight’-ideal of the responsible man seems closer to Mikhail’s self understanding than the muzhik. Such Soviet middle class culture is in the beginning represented by his student milieu and later by his second, lasting marriage. In this family, his wife was quite embarrassed of any discussions about sex, and Mikhail was the one who has to explain and teach the curious daughter. The parents watched out while making love and avoided showing themselves naked in front of the child, they carefully hid their erotic literature and journals, and Mikhail explained to her that only husband and wife may wash each other naked in the bathroom. Nowadays, they have found erotic books, "some kind of boulevard sex" and condoms in their student daughter’s bag. The parents asked her about this but did not reproach her. At 18 she started bringing boyfriends home, "we decided it was her fiancée, but we were deeply wrong, because she had quite a number of such fiancées" - in sum, a for many Western readers fully recognizable, tolerant approach to teenager sexuality, with minimal control if quite a bit of worries from the side of the parents.
 The muzhik and the knight are exclusive of each other to the point of resembling the classical female dichotomy between whore and madonna. Nevertheless, the contrasting ideals have one thing in common: they control the situation. In this particular life story, the ideals provide different reactions to the perceived threat of feminine immorality/material poverty. The knight ideal is the culturally approved of, proper way out, much like the self restraint advocated by Maynes’ working class autobiographers. The muzhik is the immediate, brutal response: it is the man who does not rise socially, but who does control. The big difference between the young Mikhail and his friend Oleg is that the latter is not ashamed of his incestuous relationship and even brags about it.
 Ivanov’s self understanding remains divided. As young, he used to suck his mother’s breasts both with tenderness and passion. Later, his wife suggested he should drink of her breast milk (she was breast-feeding their second child for almost two years) since it was healthy and would strengthen his potency. Mikhail retorted: "I am not such an idiot as to drink women’s milk, that’s the last thing I need".  Once again, these kind of contradictions do not seem to be perceived by Ivanov. But he is able to articulate and reflect on his experiences. Towards the end of the text he describes a quarrel with his wife. She complained about his looking at young girls on the beach, he complained about her refusing to have sex and pointed out that (again with clear allusions to pedagogical popular literature) "sexual relations are formed in the family, they depend on how you are growing up, and being brought up, what and how you are seeing in your milieu (sreda)." She retorted that one could, indeed, see from his behavior where he had been growing up and told him that his former sister-in-law had told about all his relationships, including those with his mother and step-mother. After this revelation follows the credo of Ivanov’s autobiography, summarizing his pain and powerlessness:
Saying that, she did not understand that I grew up in a milieu among women and girls who were unashamed of me, were naked, and washed themselves with me, or rather I with them, in the sauna, and that I was sleeping with my mother who was young and did not shun men. It was not my fault that she made me lie on her and made me a man, and later, my mother could not and would not refuse herself sexual pleasure, and she did not pay attention to who was beside her at that moment, so I said to her: ‘Be content that you had your mother, a grandmother for your daughter, and that she got used to sleeping in her own bed since childhood. It is not certain what would have happened if Olya would have slept with you, what she would have been drawn to, perhaps she would also have become a lesbian, and would have been drawn to others like her. And about that mother-in-law ... you know how she got me married, and you know the rest. So you should not blame me now. And later, in what followed, all my life went in some kind of sexual dependency and notwithstanding everything I have seldom chased women, the women have chased me, and so what, if they succeeded?’.
Here, finally, the contrasting male ideals merge in order to support Mikhail’s explanation. Sexuality is, like in the muzhik’s behavior, a wild, raw, and potentially destructive and immoral force. Then the cultured knight appears: With proper education and upbringing it can be civilized and the development of perverse habits (incest, lesbianism) can be reversed. Nothing was Mikhail’s own fault, because what happened is how things inevitably evolve in that situation. In his view, the naturalization of sex moves on two levels: it first excuses male muzhik behavior and then blames education for failing to regulate it. Women are only partly embraced by these justifications. Loose women are morally condemned of, unlike the muzhik, and women are additionally blamed for not providing the social regulation (here symbolized by a separate bed for the children), by which both sexes become civilized.
 

3. Suburban gang culture of the 1970s


In the cellar
Aleksei Lukashin, a medical student who has worked as a sound operator in a rock band, a doctor, a masseur and nowadays in show business, was born in 1960. Like Ivanov, he was raised by a single mother in a clearly poor district of the city. Aleksei was the youngest of three boys. The eldest brother moved out when Aleksei still a toddler, but he spent much time with his middle brother. Aleksei’s school teachers are told to have lost all hope at an early stage: the only one who really minded him not attending classes was the sports teacher, who is described chasing him with a basketball around the building, his eyes blood stained after Aleksei had made a stone hid in a briefcase fall down on his head. This anecdote says much about the social setting, as the Soviet schools of the 1970s generally had severe discipline (*see e.g..
 The young Aleksei and his friends played some sports (especially ice hockey, but also some cross-country skiing) but mostly hang out together. In this autobiography, there is never any hesitation about which ideal of masculinity to follow: there is much fighting with fists, knives and occasionally even with guns, and much laughing, drinking and dragging. "My brothers were known (v pochete) in the whole okruga*. They fought very well. I tried not to be worse than they were. ... When it became necessary, I took part in the battles, when I could, I went out with them in the company of girls." These girls - later in the text usually called ‘beauties’ (krasavitsy) - only figure as sexual objects who circulate between the guys. It is a muzhik’s world, where the word love is mentioned only in quotation marks and there are no attempts at knighthood discourse, except in order to ridicule or oppose it.
 Out of straightforwardness or provocation, the text opens with a close-up of a "meeting" many others would call a gang rape:
It happened a long time ago. It is over 20 years since. I was about 15 years old. I was a clever, quick little guy. I was physically strong, above my age. I was friends with my classmates, but also with guys who were 3-5 years older than me.
My first close meeting with a woman took place in a cellar. My elder brother had brought some girl. Together with his friends we got drunk and then everybody fucked her. Around the tenth turn was mine. I was very nervous, standing in line. The older friends calmed and encouraged me. You won't even have to do anything, they said. Just take off your pants... When I went in, she was lying on the floor, smoking a cigarette. To hide my anxiety *mandraz, I behaved rudely /naglo/ (like a big boy), and took off my pants without a word. I firmly followed the instructions. I lied down on her. Physically, I felt her body, and some kind of smell that was new to me. Sensing this all so close to me lifted my worries to a qualitatively new level. My legs started shaking. But like a bulldozer, without noticing anything around, I acted. It was very wet in there ... After that I quickly left and went home. At home I washed myself and went to bed. I was all trembling of excitement. I lied just a short while. Then I jumped up, dressed and ran to the cellar, but, alas, there was already nobody there.
This is the first episode in Lukashin’s sexual memoirs. Of the hundreds of other sexual encounters, none is as closely described. The first time is recalled with a strong component of vitality affects and feelings - smells, tactile sensations, trembling. The ensuing encounters merely describe the outlook of his female partners (often with grades/vitsord*), the positions used and the general impressions of the conquest in question. But in many respects the style of the cellar scene is typical for the whole text. On the one hand, the author makes a strong effort to remember, but on the other hand, he adopts a half-joking, anecdotal tone that often serves to belittle the events and distances the reader from the events. The frequent mentions of laughing - with the guys, or while first flirting with a girl - are among the most personal and sympathetic features. Otherwise, Lukashin clearly expects the reader to want a story of his sexual escapades, much in the genre "Letters to the reader" in pornographic or erotic journals. The directives provided in the autobiographical announcement (to begin with early childhood, to write about both sex and love, to talk "like to a close friend", and to reflect on various phenomena e.g. homosexuality or prostitution, etc.) do not seem to have left any trace. Lukashin clearly enjoys recalling some very successful or unusual affairs but discards others, "I have left much out on purpose, and I think there is also much I simply do not remember." Some experiences, such as his family relations or his religious views, are deemed irrelevant in this context, "that is another story". Towards the end of the text, he complains of being tired of writing and having too little time left as his wife (or companion) will soon return, and he does not want her to read the text.
 The girl in the cellar is not described as having resisted the boys in any way. At the same time, it is hard to imagine that any teenager girl would of her free will participate in such a scene. She may have been threatened in some ways, like Ivanov’s sister-in-law was forced to agree with the argument that it would just be much worse if she did not cooperate (see above). At the very least, the girl in the cellar had for some reasons reached a point where she did not or could not care about her own integrity. This is the most striking example of the moral gray zone and ambivalence about sexual norms that were especially large during late socialism . The Soviet statistics already indicate that sexual violence was frequently committed by young males and that specifically group rapes by youth gangs were more frequent than in other countries (Kon 1996). Yet we may suppose that the events reported to the police must have been among those perceived by all participants as more or less unequivocal violence. In addition, there were probably many more situations akin to Lukashin’s sexual initiation, in which neither the offenders nor the victim seem to have had clear notions about how to name, react to, or later think about what happened. His version is the other side of what the women autobiographers describe as foolishness, fatal innocence, becoming paralyzed or fearing to scream (see chapter six).
 These practices created intense and contradictory feelings, which evidently found no adequate or stable frames of interpretation. This is obvious when Lukashin tells about how he later was recognized by the girl in the cellar. His first reaction was - "naturally" - guilt:
That was my first close meeting with a woman. By the way, she remembered me (although it had been quite dark in the cellar). A month or two later we met each other on the street one evening. I didn't recognize her, two girls just asked for a cigarette and we started to talk. Then one of them withdraw*avlägsna*, and the other suggested we go smoking in another place - which turned out to be an attic, and even a comfortable one, it had a sofa. We sat down, smoked, and that was when she reminded me of the story with the cellar. I, naturally, denied it at first, but she calmed me, saying that she had no grudges, that it was her own fault and so on, well, and that she had liked me. I looked at her, she was about ten years older..
This time, they had more varying and longer sex. But then this latter sexual encounter is in retrospect - jokingly, but nevertheless - called a rape (of himself!).
After I had been raped (as I now understand) by my brother’s girl on the attic, my life took on different colors. I somehow changed sharply. Something in my head awoke that drove me crazy.
Aleksei invited one girl home and forced her to undress before him by bending her fingers so it hurt. The girl agreed, but on the condition they would not have intercourse. After this they often met for mutual petting and without any mentions of further persuasion by force. When Aleksei insisted on intercourse, she promised to provide another girl for him. Indeed, after some time a new girl appeared in their circle of friends. "I do not remember what I told her, but relatively easy I took her to a hut on a construction site", where the new girl "calmly lied down". Aleksei got nervous when he discovered she was a virgin, as he did not know how to manage without any help from his partner. Furthermore, the other guys had already formed a line outside the hut.  "It all ended so that we just got dressed and I followed her home, which happened and still happens to me extremely seldom."
 Aleksei obviously rescued his partner from another gang rape like the one in the cellar. His noble behavior is presented in the rhetoric of "praising by downgrading*", stressing that he practically never followed the golden rule No 1 of Soviet courtship: that the man should follow the woman home (cf. family*). He also provides us with a cynical ending of this relationship. The couple met again and managed to have intercourse, he was confronted with her boyfriend and beat him up, after which they had sex "a couple of times more, and then she went from hand to hand" (poshla po rukam)*.
 The list of women, types and places of sex during the next fifteen years continues, until Lukashin at the last page a little surprisingly declares that he is actually tired of all this, "sex has long ago lost its actuality for me". In his mid-thirties, he has not settled in his family life nor in his professional circles. He was at the writing moment cohabiting, but dreaming about finding a completely "harmonical woman". He was employed in show-business but finishing his studies on the side, hoping that "the best is yet to come" in his life. This life phase of personal and professional unrest may have created the need of self reflection, or at least the urge to remember, that prompted Lukashin to write.
 Although Lukashin’s social status is far from settled, his social trajectory represents a very different pattern from that of the previous generation. This is evident in the perceived relation between sexual restraint and social success, as well as in his attitude towards women.
 

 Attempts of social ascent

Initially, Aleksei Lukashin’s path follows a similar logic as Mikhail Ivanov’s: to get away from his childhood milieu by putting order into his life and studying. In the end of the 1970s, Aleksei was two years in the army, where he used all spare time "maximally, in order to develop my intellectual and physical qualities. It gave results. When I returned after the army service everybody found me different. I did not drink or smoke and I talked about important goals in life." However, the dramatic separation and opposition of spheres (home milieu vs student milieu, chaotic family life vs. responsible working life) characteristic of Ivanov’s social trajectory is not paralleled in Lukashin’s case. For instance, the army improved Aleksei’s intellectual ambitions, but he also notes how "in the army my muscles of stone started to dry and indifference and apathy entered my soul".* Public life and Soviet institutions do not appear in the role of stabilizing and saving structures (as was also the case, for instance, with Alexandra Chistyakova’s story, discussed in the third chapter).
 While Ivanov’s life style ‘relapsed’ into lack of life control and promiscuity due to his first marriage, Lukashin interrupted his plans of higher education in order to work for some years with a touring rock band. Aleksei had less problems with women than with his own drinking, but the general logic of women and alcohol versus social improvement and life control, is dominant in the beginning. He motivates the work as a way to escape his life style at home:
At that time, I needed to somehow otvlekatsja* detach myself from women and actively looked for some interesting work. An administrator I knew well suggested I could call the organization of one oblast* centre and give his recommendations /ot nego./ I did so and was offered to work for a rock groups that was more or less famous at the time.
Touring life proved even more full of sexual encounters, and Aleksei started to drink and smoke again - blaming the meeting with his older brother in one Siberian town, a celebration which evidently was not conceivable without excessive alcohol. He was also baptized "the specialist on bitches" (spetsialist po babam) in the group, as he had so many affairs and also "seriously helped everybody else to get women". But life on the road exhausted, he "left a part of my health at the tours (na gastroliah) and I had a serious need to regain my former strength. I skipped drinking and smoking and started to go to a body building gym*(atleticheskii zal)."  him. He left the rock band after a couple of years and began his studies. The balanced and healthy life style was not at odds with several sexual affairs or black market transactions (fartsovka) to gain extra money. Aleksei also married one of his girlfriends, who had become pregnant and who also had immense patience with him, including with his infidelity during the wedding celebrations*.
 But then, times started changing. Lukashin does not once refer to any social or political factors, but it is hardly a coincidence that he quits his education after the mid-1980s. He left the medical institute and the straightforward track into a feminized profession, low paid in Soviet times and one of the relatively worst off professions in the 1990s. Instead, he acquires the less demanding qualifications as a masseur. At his first work place, the succession of affairs started again. "I had to fuck in the ispolkom, at the registration office (ZAGS) before somebody’s marriage, and so on."  At the same time, he divorced his wife whom he found too lethargic. Following the classical script of short first Soviet marriages, she automatically kept the child (if it was ever born - there is no mention of it at all in the text) and the apartment, and he moved to one room in a communal apartment, which was close to his work but far away from his mother and ex-wife (p35)
 Through an acquaintance, he gets a doctor’s vikariat*. Once more, he tries to straighten up. He proudly notes being able to save a woman’s life, and how he " did not drink, did not smoke and was in good form ... For about half a year I recovered morally. No sex, no nothing. I was all in my work." True, the next paragraph describes how "the most interesting women received complete satisfaction" and only the locals were refused special treatment, although they tried hard.
 The same winter, he the listed through his telephone notebook and called an acquaintance, who arranged for him to work as a masseur in a newly established, private sauna.
 Here the old logic - social ascent equals adoption of proper middle class morals (the normal family life, in Ivanov’s terms) - is broken. True, Lukashin underlies how good he was at his new work, getting clients from his already established colleagues. But he also notes that is "was a psychologically hard transition from the image of the doctor to the image of nearly a banshchik. But I had to live and obespechyvat myself somehow. I couldn’t expect help from anywhere." Soon he works much, and this included sex. "I had to fuck sometimes several times a day. Naturally with different women. Everything started to spoon** zavertelos, zakruzhilos..., I started to drink and to smoke. The bachanalia* continued for about three years. I actually tried to regulate the process somehow."
 But, clearly, the regulation of the "process" did not succeed. The nature of the sexual relations in the sauna are not clear - Lukashin says most of his female clients were prostitutes, although some were married rich women, but who paid whom and what kind of exchange of sympathies or favors took place remains unclear. Neither does he mention any relations with the male customers that he also received in the beginning. He alludes at propositions also from their part - "I was surrounded by all kind of  strange kinds - gay, dike and so on. (vsyakaya vsyachina - golubaja, rozovaja i t.d.)."
 At this point, Aleksei’s professional and personal life have become completely intertwined. Far from helping him away from the behavior he himself perceives as problematic, the job in one of the new postsocialist commercial structures exploited and reinforced it. By trying to improve his life - moving from a medical position in state owned policlinics to professionally lower but economically better position in the private sector - his working life and his sexual life became more entangled than before. On the road with the rock group, or as a doctor in a tourist base, he had numerous affairs, but of his own choice and as an addition, a non-obligatory complement, to his working profile. The fact that his own body has been cynically exploited by his employees and their clientele may perhaps explain Aleksei’s pronounced cynicism with regards to women.
 

Misogyny and male bonding

Lukashin presents himself as an uncaring man, whose only aim is to fuck women. Only in a couple of exceptions he may, for instance, note that he "by the way, also held a seriously deep feeling towards her". Or that he was disappointed when one meeting "satisfied only the lust, but without any like a more human thing*, with rasstanovka I razmahca" Statements like "I belong to those who think that the best moment with a woman is closing the door after she has left" , or "/The intercourse/ could be graded as satisfying. That is for me - I let the steam off, and her opinion did not interest me" are from the lightest end. In themselves, they are quite possible to explain by his bachelor life style and resistance to stabile love relationships, coupled with a longing of finding the perfect woman.
 But there are also a few descriptions which indicate a deeper hatred of women. Sexual violence is practiced without any regrets, as already discussed above. The women’s hesitations or opposition to have sex are always rendered with overt contempt. For instance, one woman picked up after a rock concert was made completely drunk by Aleksei and his friends, who both have sex with her. That she never completely agreed to this is made clear from the summarizing statement: "In the morning we parted with her not as friends, but not as enemies either." Another time, he and his friend had picked up a woman in a hotel bar and invited her to their hotel room. When she "pretended to leave", Aleksei asked her to stay:
She began something stupid (bred)* about her being an honest girl and so on. But I understood that she had simply not had enough to drink ... Morally I was already tired but the lust-devil (pohot-zlodeika lezla naruzhu) in me surfaced. Finally she started to talk less and react more to my caresses. ... It was like a wind had blown away from the girl all the education, upbringing, and the manners that she first displayed like a model of upbringing.
It seems, really, to be so, that when the natural, the core (estestvo, nutro) of a human being is speaking, which is, according to one theory, animal, then all the artificially adopted disappears without a trace.
This woman is told to have enjoyed the night with Aleksei and his friend to the extent of inviting her girlfriend for a foursome the following evening. But notwithstanding the woman’s feelings, there is in Aleksei’s comment much contempt for her way of negotiating  and especially for her education and good manners. Sexuality, and especially wild and daring sex (like group sex with strangers) is the natural drive that surfaces in both sexes when the surface is a little melted with alcohol. Educated women’s opposition is merely artificial and dishonest behavior. This logic is of course familiar from many pornographic and erotic texts, notably Henry Miller’s production. It presents a naturalized view of sexuality ("the natural", "the inner", "animal") where especially women who, through education and ambition, socially compete with men, are denigrated. (about naturalization, see change*).
 Lukashin’s misogyny is matched by strong homosocial ties. Men are the self-evident frame of reference, and Lukashin often notes how he had been respected and feared due to his physical force, courage, and success with women. In his youth, it was indeed, a question of  interpersonal violence as a pattern of communication (Zdravomysloca & Chikadze 1998, 19). A bit later, alcohol in itself suffices. Lukashin describes a funny incident of male bonding, when he consoles his boss, who found him in bed with the woman the boss has been courting:
/The boss/ started to scream, wave his arms and spit around him about what kind of trash (negodiai) we were. He was a proper, intelligent man, taking her, it appeared, to dinner to restaurants, following her to her /hotel/ room, almost reading her a fairy tale before she falls asleep, but instead she, and so on. I stood calmly, contemplating it all in silence. To fight with him was simply not of any interest to me, and well, the guy had to speak out. When he stopped I immediately offered him to drink, although he was not drinking anything at all. But now he accepted. We drank. Our talk gradually entered the subject of the hardships in his life. In sum, I became almost as dear to him as his own brother after that night.
His male friends are pitied and ridiculed if they suffer from unhappy love, like he ones among his youth  friends who opened their veins or attempted to jump down from a ceiling because of women. Lukashin says he was "spared by God" and only trjassja* in front of women, until the age of 25 when he stopped doing even that.
 Lukashins experiences may be described as a triad in the following way:

Figure **. Lower working class, 1970s

    Interpretation
    The reflective
    Muzhik-ideal
    naturalization of sex

Feeling             Practices
The tactile      The habitual
lust (pohot’)      forced sex,        promiscuity
physical strength     drinking, dragging
laughs

In his autobiography, Lukashin presents himself as a straightforward guy. There are seemingly few conflicts between feeling, social practices and their interpretations. He appears a physical, active man who always enjoys sex and more or less successfully fights his drinking. He has the most complete realization of a macho, don juanistic muzhik ideal. In the few reflections on sexuality, he advocates a naturalized view of sexuality - sex is an inner core, which only artificial education or too well-behaved women deny. This aggressive, naturalized sexual ideology also seems to compensate for professional and personal instability and failed attempts of social ascent. At the very end of the autobiography, more serious aspirations surface:
I do not look at the world with wide open eyes, but I think that the best is yet ahead. Sex has long ago lost its actuality for me, I mean that to fuck somebody is no problem. The problem lies elsewhere. To meet a harmonically (garmonichno slozhennaia) composed woman (physically, psychologically and intellectually) is very hard. To keep her, after having met her, is still harder. Usually they have way too high self esteem, demands and so on. In my opinion, one should trust the will of the divine volja vozvyshennogo, and if something should happen, it does, and the other way around. But that is the theme of another essay.
Here again, the reader is reminded that Lukashin consciously follows the genre of erotic memoirs, and hides e.g. his religious or more serious social views. He admits to longing for a stable relationship, although his expectations seem high enough, especially if the perfect woman should not have high self esteem or "demands". Interestingly, Lukashin’s final credo absolves himself - just like in Ivanov’s final justification - from any responsibility or active agency. Where Ivanov blamed his upbringing, in line with the dominant pedagogical ideas of his adult years, Lukashin gives a semireligious, fatalistic solution characteristic of the Soviet 1970s and 1980s - "if something should happen, it does".
 

 Concluding comparisons: from culturation to blurred mobility

Mikhail Stern, a Soviet émigré doctor, has made the following characterization of the sexual moors of the Soviet lower social groups: "/Al/though sex may be a taboo subject among 'respectable' people in the SU, those people who live on the fringes of society, who think of themselves as belonging to 'the lower depths', talk about sex very openly and naturally." (Stern 1979, 199) The 'loose behavior' of the lower working class is a prevalent social stereotype, in Russia just as in the rest of Europe. But as Mary Jo Maynes has pointed out, even if workers may have a less strict attitude to some types of sexual behavior (e.g. virginity) than the middle class, that does not imply their cultures were more "natural", without their own specific codes of shame and respectability. Against the kind of simplification of working class sexuality that Mikhail Stern performs in the quote above, Maynes argues that the "links between sex and social identity were not generally the same for workers as they were for their class superiors, but they were equally problematic." (Maynes 1995, 131; see also Steedman 198*)
 This chapter has only looked at male examples of such links in poor working cultures. The few texts I have by Soviet women workers make quit different emphasis. None of the working class men could make the consoling claim by Raisa (nr 2, already quoted in the third chapter): "There was also life, even if very gloomy, not like normal life. But love is love everywhere, however savage that seems." For Ivanov, love was not the same everywhere, and for Lukashin there was no love. The links between sexual and social identity seem especially problematic for these two male cases from marginal milieus: the men have a more dramatic gap between local and dominant ideas about sexuality and family life, and they have a harder time consoling them with each other.
 Ivanov’s life draws a quite classical picture of the class journey from poor, marginalised worker to well-to-do upper working class*. Just like in the worker’s autobiographies from one century earlier, male self control was seen as part of a rising social position (Maynes 1995, 135). Although he depicts a seemingly amoral world, the fact remains that he himself was deeply morally affected by it. The parallels between middle class morality and social ascent are explicitly drawn by Ivanov himself throughout the text. He willingly followed the path of okulturyvanie, adopting stricter sexual norms after starting out from a situation that was rather akulturnyi than nekulturnyi.
 Lukashin, by contrast, has had to let go of his initial (albeit diffuse) dreams of becoming a doctor. Like Ivanov, Lukashin describes sexual blat relations, for instance how one of his lovers who worked as an administrator in a hotel always provided him with de luxe rooms. Affairs like those may have added to his status in the working collective, but they were not integral to them. But in the private sauna, Aleksei’s affairs moved to the center of the picture and the promiscuity appears as a central feature of the establishment itself. He also relates how he worked for a short time in a sport and health institution, where the administration wanted to arrange a "commercial line" (kommercheskoe ruslo). Aleksei helped them organize the new sauna department, and describes the criminal and rich clients, billiard played with naked prostitutes, etc. The sexual component of the sauna institutions had moved from occasional meetings between two people in closed rooms to a display in front of the whole clientele in the main room.
 Russian women are more often objects of such intertwining of sex and work.. But the evolution from Ivanov’s blat relations to Lukashin’s semiopen prostitution are evidence of the economic and structural dynamics. The traditional Russian and Soviet way of social ascent through education was at least momentarily blurred. Parallelly, behavior that was semiofficial entered professional life.  These developments also affected men, which is not to say that they were gender symmetrical. On the contrary, Lukashin’s deliberate misogyny is a good example of the attitude that also entered the public sphere together with the generation of the 1970s.
 The view of sexuality of postsocialist Russia is dominated by the naturalization of sex. Aleksei used this argument also with women: "I mumbled something about the elevated and beautiful, about how good sex is for your health, about the beautiful music that was playing and how it is better to listen to it lying down and relaxing , with your eyes closed and so on." In this seduction talk, some shattered pieces romanticism remain ("the elevated and the beautiful"). But they used purely for strategic reasons, and paired with the totally different view of sex as a healthy thing. This is a glaring difference to Ivanov and his generation, who sincerely searched for the elevated and beautiful, and perceived it in painful tension to lust and the sexual. Ivanov emphasizes the role of education in prohibiting sexual excess and perversions, while Lukashin understands sex as less problematic, a healthy activity. But in both cases, the naturalization of sex serves to enhance the men’s feeling of control over women, over their own life, without blaming them for anything in their past experiences.
 Finally, Ivanov’s life story evolved away from an acultural setting to established Soviet middle class life, while Lukashin’s biography is more blurred: his social status remains undefined, and his excessive sexuality moves into the center of his professional life.
 

References

(to be added)
 


Paper for the 4th European Conference of Sociology: Will Europe work?
                                          Amsterdam: August 18-21, 1999
 
 
 

Women of war and later prosperity: A biographical approach  in a Norwegian context.


                                              Tone SchouWetlesen
 
 
 
 
 

Tone Schou Wetlesen
Department of Sociology and Human Geography
PB 1096, University of Oslo
0317 Oslo
Norwaye-mail: t.s.wetlesen@sosiologi.uio.no
 

Introduction

The purpose of this paper is to introduce a research project I am now in the process of initiating. My intention is to compare the life histories of two cohorts of Norwegian women: One born during the Second World War from 1939-1943, and the other a decade later, from 1949-1953. The question may be stated as follows: To what extent do women in the older cohort understand their lives in the shade of the War and the German occupation and to what extent are war events precluded by other forming factors such as new opportunities for women, or by events in their private lives that are not particularly related to this war? Do these cohorts who are similar in many ways in regard to changing women's roles, show certain/particular systematic differences in their biographies, and if so, what is the explanatory value of having grown up during times of war versus in times of peace? What are the "leitmotifs" in the lives of the younger cohort compared to the older one? Are war events accorded a central or a marginal position in the ways the informants understand themselves and their life histories?
The Second World War represented a watershed in many ways. When hostilities finally ended many things changed for the better: War industry and shortages of goods in the post- war period brought a halt to the economic depression and unemployment of the 1930s. Immediately after the war a welfare state regime was introduced in Norway and in the other Scandinavian countries; it aimed at bringing more equal opportunities to the population across class and gender cleavages. The generation born during the war had five of their formative years during times of war and ten years in the post-war period. The younger cohort was born at a time when prosperity and new opportunities for women were more solidly established. Compared to earlier cohorts of women the two cohorts I have chosen for this project have common factors: First of all they have achieved a higher degree of economic independence compared to pre-war generations. But what about early childhood experiences? Does it make a difference in the lives of adults whose pre-school years were times of crisis and turbulence, even when such differences have not yet been statistically demonstrated?
On the level of society, major political arrangements that followed peace in 1945 were immediate results of the World War, as for instance the division of Europe in the Soviet dominated and communist East and the non-communist or capitalist West. On an individual level, war experiences may have continued in peoples' mind and attitudes as well as in the ways people relate to one another. War as a theme in the lives of the last generation to have had direct experiences with World War II is the topic I intend to explore. In the following presentation, I will address certain theoretical and methodological issues. Then two generations of women will be described from a life-course perspective that includes in parts the cohorts from the war and prosperity project based on secondary sources. Thirdly I approach my topic through the use of literary sources: One autobiography and one novel. The main characters in both works are women in their 50s who ruminate over their lives. As we shall see, the Second World War is very much present in their stories. Present also are those social conditions that shaped the lives of the parental and grand-parental generations. The literary texts illustrate how circumstances and events on the level of society may be reflected in individual lives as well as in family histories. I use these sources as a way of approaching my topic before commencing with the field of qualitative interviewing. In later works, these texts will most likely be replaced by the life histories told by informants participating in this project.
Theoretical and methodological issues
Before I present theoretical and methodological issues, a brief summary of Norway's position during WW II may be in order. Norway was drawn into the war by the German occupation on the 9th of April 1940. The Norwegian authorities refused to collaborate with the occupants and the German troops met with military resistance for about two months. The Norwegian troops were defeated and the King and the government fled to England. The Nazi regime, headed by the Norwegian ministerpresident Vidkun Quisling, replaced the democratically elected authorities until the liberation in May 1945. Norway had a different position from Sweden, who remained neutral, and to a certain extent also differnt from Denmark. The Danish government collaborated with the German "Wehrmacht" until 1943.
World War II, in Norway like in other countries, has been researched intensively from various points of view: Politically, historically, militarily. Autobiographies have been written, accounts of life and death in the concentration camps have been reported, resistance movements have been described, and films have been produced. In most written documents the central actors have been men and the time span has been relatively short, starting and ending with the war itself. When women have been focused, it has usually been because they had been erotically involved with German occupants.
There have also been some attempts to record the daily lives of the population at large from the point of view of social history (Hjeltnes 1987). The project presented here has most in common with this line of research, as parts of it will relate to how family life was affected by the war.
Major social events have varied impacts on people's lives contingent on the age and life- course stage of the person. This has been demonstrated by a series of studies/investigations, for instance by  Glen Elder  in his well-known studies of the inter-war depression (Elder 1974).
The effect of the war in Norway on children and  subsequently on their lives as adults has, to my knowledge, not been on the research agenda with the exception of those children with German fathers who were among the occupants or those children from Nazi families who met negative sanctions because of the wrongdoings of their parents.
My interest in focusing on the cohort born during the Second World War is certainly related to the fact that I was born two days after the German occupation of Norway. Thus I know something of my chosen topic from first hand experience. Secondly, I have often noted the following remark from my peers: "It was because of the war that it happened this way or that way". Such remarks make me curious to unearth more about the life histories behind such statements.
A third reason for choosing this topic is somewhat paradoxical in relation to the reason given above: The impacts of war are often absent in studies that deal with those age groups who were born or who grew up during these turbulent times. A common understanding seems to go like this: Those who were small children during the war were too young to experience the drastic changes in life circumstances implying that young children were protected by inexperience and ignorance. It is assumed that they were in a sense luckily unaware of the horrors of war and that they did not have to confront the moral dilemmas that sometimes faced more mature persons.  I feel it is time to challenge this common sense view; there is more to be said from the perspective of the youngest war generation.
Life histories convey information on two levels: The group level of the family as viewed and reconstructed by the informant in addition to the individual level of the biographer. What happens to parents and how they understand the situation is considered to be of vital concern to small children. Their well-being is likely to be highly influenced by the life situation of parents. Since the oldest informants were at most six years when the war ended, the informant's knowledge about the war and how it affected her family has most likely been transmitted  by other family members, first of all by parents. Her version is likely to reflect this part of the family history and how it has been transmitted to young members. Over the years, however, she may  have interpreted, selected and reconstructed her own version. Information on family history provides access to the so-called textual childhood, that is, how it is told (Gullestad 1996). Notwithstanding, I assume that informants will be fairly reliable sources as to what actually happened to their families during the war years. Were family members separated or did they stay together? Did the parents oppose the German occupation as did most Norwegians, or did they side with the Germans and the Nazis? If they opposed the Nazi regime, did they do so openly with risks involved, or did they keep silent? Did they in some way collaborate or profit from the war, and if so, what costs were involved as far as their status and reputation in the community was concerned?
Parallel questions about family history relevant to the post-war epoch will be posed to the younger informants.
When the individual level is focused upon, attention will be given to life in general and childhood in particular as a lived experience: How did the informant experience the war years? Did she experience episodes of fear and anxiety caused by the war?  Does she have recollections of solidarity and the struggle for a common cause? How did she experience the attitudes and reactions of her parents and other primary persons?
Also the younger women may have the Second World War as a mental or emotional point of reference pending on transmission from family members or teachers. But other themes have most likely  been of greater significance in their childhood as a lived experience, for instance events in the private sphere of life such as having a sibling, experiencing family dissolution or moving. Also for these women have been themes in early childhood of mental and emotional significance other than the war years that can be related to processes in society at large. Moving may be done for private reasons, but it may also be induced by social forces for instance of centralisation or lack of suitable job opporunities where the family used to live.

Informants

A sample of 24 Norwegian women will be included in the study. Half of them will have lived their first 3 to 6 years of life in Norway during the Second World War, or they may have lived as war refugees in another country. The other half (12 persons) will have lived their first years in Norway a decade later, most likely with Norwegian parents. I hope to start recruiting informants with the help of my own social network and to continue with the snowballing method. The study will also include informants who grew up in regions other than the urban parts of the south east of Norway.
If men were to be included in the study, it would be possible to obtain a more complete picture of the effects of war and occupation on peoples' biographies. I have, however, chosen to concentrate on women in order to make comparisons between cohorts rather than between men and women. There are additional reasons to focus on women only. Warfare has traditionally been one of the most gendered arenas in society. It still is because of the military service, which in most countries is mandatory only for men. War is thus likely to cause quite different expectations and responses in men and in women, making the task more complex. It may further be argued that from the point of view of social change, the focus on women might be particularly productive. The chosen cohorts of women provide us with an opportunity to study how women experience the gender revolution and its  impacts on women's lives.
The time span that has been chosen for each cohort calls for comment. A distance of ten years may include/introduce a life-course effect in addition to a cohort effect. Women in their late 50s or early 60s have passed child-rearing years, and are approaching the end of their participation in the work force and may have started to plan for the stage of retirement. This may especially be so if the husband is older or is on an early retirement contract. The younger cohort may have school children living at home and they may still advance in their career or plan for new job opportunities.  Nonetheless, I will argue that a time span of 8-10 years is reasonable due to the time it takes to make a difference in life circumstances. Materially, the first post-war years in Norway were still marked by shortages and rationing. Mentally the war could still be very much present in the parental and grand-parental generations. A vivid transmission of war memories to the younger generation may have created a climate of socialisation that in certain respects is similar to that of children who grew up during the war years.
My intention is to recruit persons with varied social and professional backgrounds and experiences. The informants will be approached twice for in-depth interviews, preferably tape-recorded with the permission of the interviewee.
Biographical research raises ethical questions concerning possible consequences for the research subjects. To tell one's life story to a stranger may involve gains as well as risks. Some researchers emphasize the possible empowering effects of remembering and reconstructing major life events in the company of an attentive listener. Life may in effect be understood as an identity forming, an ongoing narrative process. "We become the autobiographical narratives by which we tell about our lives". (Gullestad 1996). Thus, telling your life story for research purposes may bring an additional opportunity for making personal integrative efforts. It is also worth noting that research in this area will necessarily be partial. Selections must be made and certain aspects will be left out. Nevertheless, research subjects may feel unduly exposed and in a way locked in interpretations that are done at a particular point in time by the narrator or by the researcher. Care will be taken to seek permission for the ways in which the material will be presented. If reservations are made by two or more informants, a solution might be to construct life stories that incorporate elements of more biographies. In this way the integrity of the informants will hopefully be respected without reducing the scientific value of the research.

Theoretical orientation

My intention in this project is to research individual narratives and subjective interpretations of social and historic events in order to gain a deeper understanding of individual and societal interdependencies. I do not intend to rewrite war history but rather to contribute to an understanding of its long range social psychological effects and biographic significance.
The choice of the age group born during the war has both a historic and a theoretical rationale. Historically, this cohort represents the last age group to have had direct experiences of the Second World War. Their biographies may contribute to a theoretical understanding of how war and hostilities affect young children as well as the long-term effects  on people's lives. From a social psychological point of view early childhood and infancy is considered to be crucial in regard to needs of human safety  (Erikson 1963). Satisfaction or frustration of these needs are considered vital for the feelings of ontological security or lack of security in a person (Giddens 1991). Is there a difference between the two cohorts of women concerning levels of ontological security or anxiety from infancy to middle age, and if so what are the circumstances that may have contributed to such differences?
Research on children in war concludes that they may endure terrifying things such as bombing as long as they stay close to their parents (Freud 1973). Separation from one or both parents is among the most traumatic of experiences for small children. When the family stays together, one may assume that the emotional responses of parents raising children under conditions of war will have an impact on the ontological security experienced by these children.  Those parents who were able to remain calm and optimistic in spite of the war crisis were most likely to transmit this state of mind to their children. More than the war itself, the integrity of parents and their ways of transmitting events to the child are considered crucial for the effect of war on personality development. In case of separation between parent and child, I assume that this course of events might have had long-lasting effects on the person and her feelings of ontologically security.
In times of crisis attitudes and opinions tend to become sharper and more clear-cut (Procter 1996). There is little room for questions or doubts. The most relevant question posed is "which side are you on"? One is either for or against the German invasion. To trust or confide in the wrong person might for those persons more active in the resistance have been a question of life or death.
To witness  the violence and wrongdoing done to one's country and fellow men and women may easily foster aggression and hatred. The daily trials of food shortages and lack of heating while the occupants got the best of everything may have added to such feelings of hostility.  One opposed not only the wrongdoings of the German military power and the Nazi regime. Feelings of hostility were also directed toward Germany and Germans in general as well as against cultural manifestations and expressions that were associated with the country of their oppressors.
Parents who experienced the world without nuances, in colours of black and white, ran the risk of generalising judgmental and inflexible attitudes that continued even after the termination of the war. Parents clinging to this way of thinking were probably less willing to meet their youngsters with tolerance and understanding when they were experimenting with world views challenging the truths of the parental generation in the late 1950s or early 60s.
Problems relating to tolerance and respect for diverse opinions were manifest in Norway after the war. The most controversial issue concerned Norway's membership in NATO, presented as a military defence system. The political majority was in favour of membership; the minority was found among the leftist wing of the social democrats together with communists and pacifists. Both sides argued that the Second World War had taught them a lesson that should not be forgotten. The blocs were obdurate. Former friends turned into political enemies; family members broke off contact/family affinities ruptured.
The restrictions imposed by the war could also have beneficial effects on family culture encouraging imagination, initiative, making the best of practical difficulties and getting around with what was at hand. Feelings of solidarity were widespread. Defiance of a common enemy created a sense of meaning and purpose in daily living. A lack of public communication and public entertainment made people rely on their own resources (Hjeltnes 1987). Women born during the war may in this sense also have good memories of their pre-school years, infusing them with a sense of non-materialistic values.
Two generations of women
Statistical knowledge about relevant generations of women from a life course perspective may provide a fruitful background for biographical studies. The economist Kari Skrede has identified the following generations among the female population in Norway going back to 1920:  "The housewife generation" born in the time span 1920-35, "the mixed generation" 1936-50, and "the generation of equality" 1951-65.  (Skrede, 1999). The latter two cover the cohorts included in the war and prosperity project.
For women who grew up during the war or in the post-war period, the life course tended to become more diversified. Besides housework and childcare, there were other options for women in their reproductive years. Education and participation in the work force led gradually to postponement of marriage and childbirth and more women remained in the workforce also when they had children. In the mixed generation, some retained the housewife pattern of their mothers. They were the ones who married early and who did not enroll in secondary or higher education. Teen-age marriages that were the outcome of an unplanned pregnancy could be part of this picture. Since changes in attitudes and behaviour tend to appear gradually, we may expect to find stronger continuity with the housewife generation for those women born in the first part of the mixed generation epoch. Women born in this time span - between 1936 and 1943 - are those who come closest in time to the war cohort that will be included in the biography project. Thus we may expect  to find some continuity with the housewife generation also in the small sample of biographic research.
Women of the mixed generation found ways of combining mothering, education, and work force participation. More students than previously entered the universities at a mature age. Some would start work but stay at home for a period when the children were young. Later on they would resume work often as part timers. This life stage model was also practised to some extent by the housewife generation, but the housewife and mothering period tended to become shorter and more concentrated among women who belonged to the mixed generation.
Table 1 shows some of this development. The educational revolution  among women had already started with the war cohorts to become more pronounced a decade later.

Table 1: Education for women born 1941 and 1951 (%)
 Source: Skrede 1994 (in Skrede 1999 p. 287).

       1941      1951
  Secondary education        25        33
  Higher education        12        25
 
 

  We may expect most informants in the war and prosperity project to be in the work force. In the 1990s most of the mixed generation was working, half of them on a full time basis. Women born between 1936 and 1965 contribute with  approx. 35 per cent of the total family income in the most labour-intensive years according to the age of the main provider from 40 to 60 (Skrede 1999:291).

   Civil status and fertility

  Marriage was widespread among the mixed generation. By the age of 40 only 5 percent had never been married. (Divorce?) Fertility was above replacement level, with an average of  2.44 children per woman. It is worth noting that fertility was somewhat reduced for women born in the second half of the 1930s and 40s although still above replacement level (Skrede 1999: 285). Skrede does not mention any possible life-course effects of World War II. The war and its possible effects seem to be left out from the analytic framework of the author.  Could it nevertheless be the case that an early upbringing in turbulent times is somehow reflected in fertility patterns of these cohorts?  Could it be that these women have been somewhat more hesitant and less confident when it comes to giving life to a new generation? In an earlier qualitative study of fertility choices and constraints I was struck by the insight of one participant who had a clear understanding that difficulties in his life as a child had made him postpone life events such as marriage and having children.  Postponement has a statistically lowering effect on fertility as the most fertile years are not used for reproduction. An alternative explanation could be that new trends of modernity were on the way to lower fertility and make room for more diversity and self-sufficiency in women's lives. The women born during the War could possibly be among the first to introduce this new pattern of modernity. They were in their most fertile years when contraceptives such as the pill and the "spiral" became widespread.
  Few of the mixed generation remained childless nor did they have only one child. The two-child pattern is widely dispersed among  close to half of the female population. Diversity becomes more pronounced among the next generation, the generation of equality. The marriage rates decline for the younger age groups  to be replaced by cohabitation. Childbirths are postponed. More women have one child and there is also an increasing number who have three children.  Voluntary childlessness also seems to have become an option for an increasing number of women. What the exact number will be for this generation is still too early to tell since the youngest, born in the 1960s, are still in their fertile years.
  From this brief overview ideal type pictures of a woman born in the early 1940s and one born in the early 1950s can be drawn. Helen was born during the war. She has completed secondary school. She lived for a year in England as an au pair to learn more of the language. She married in her early twenties. She has two children relatively close in age. She stayed at home for a decade or so to take care of her children. Then she went to college andgot an education. She started working when her children were in their early teens.
  Sara was born ten years later. She started university education after having finished secondary school. She financed her studies partially through loans and partially through working some hours weekly. When she developed an intimate relationship to a fellow student, they started living together. The couple postponed having children until they were in their late twenties. A few years later they married.  After maternal leave, Sara started working. The child stayed with a private child minder. They had a second child when the older one started going to school. Sara starts working when the youngest child was six months old. She worked four days a week. The child stayed with a private child minder for one year. Then the childent to a public kindergarten. The older child attended the after-school program.
  As the portraits indicate, there are both similarities and differences in  the life course of these two women.  Relevant questions to be asked from the point of view of biographies could be: To what extent do the women understand their lives in the light of social conditions that created new opportunities for women? To what extent do they accentuate other life circumstances related to social events on the level of society or in the private domain of the woman?
 

   Biographies

  For the sake of illustration, I will briefly relate extracts of a life story given by a real person, that is the Australian/American scientist Browyn Davies (Davies 1992). Browyn was born in Australia in the mid-40s. Her story accentuates how gender roles reinforced by the ideological climate of the Second World War influenced her choice of a mate, which again brought her into a very difficult situation. She describes the ideological climate in her native country in the following way:
       "In the early 1950s in Australia, there was much talk of war, of the possibility of future wars, and of the necessity of bravely defending our shores. Being a person of value and of note seemed solely understood in terms of the heroism of military action expressed in terms of willingness to die for principles of freedom through taking active measures to defend our country against the 'yellow peril' in the north and the dreaded threat of communism' " (Davies 1992: 60).
  Women also had their designated war roles, although less heroic: ".....the sacrificial mother or the ministering angel as well as the task of weeping, mourning and, at times, goading to action" (p.60).
  Browyn, searching for role to fulfil among adults, was attracted to the possibility of training to become a nurse. In this way she could escape the role of simply waiting. She could instead "care for the heroes who actively fought for that which was of value" (p.61). This prospect was, however, barred by her parents and especially by her father who evidently accorded nurses a bad sexual reputation. Browyn wanted to be a sexually active but still respected woman as she looked for ways to serve the needs of other people. She found what she was looking for in marrying a man who had been temporarily released from jail to attend university. She was the one who should help him attain a better life. Her life project failed and for five years she and her three children had become the targets of her husband's violent frustrations.
  Browyn understands herself in the light of a story line that accentuates male/female dualism. She discusses the possibility of transcending the victimisation of women through constructing stories that accord agency to female figures, a substantive feminist story. She makes the point of telling ones life from different perspectives and the liberating effect it may have on developing an awareness of multiple possibilities for telling and constructing stories. From my perspective I find Browyn's story interesting as it demonstrates how the ideological climate in the post-war period reinforced the gendered order of things. Her story echoes the feminine mystique that brought the women back to the kitchen  when the war ended (Friedan 1982).
 

   Women's biographies as reflected in novels

 In recent years two novels have been published that reflect the experiences of women who grew up in Norway during the Second World War. The one by Kjersti Erikson, titled Father and Mother,  is an autobiography. The other by Bergliot Hobæk Haff titled The Shame,  is a novel that might have autobiographic elements but is not intended to relfect the life history of the author. To the contrary, the author declared in a newspaper interview that she tries to explore aspects of life that are unknown to her.
  Kjersti Erikson is in her 50s when she reminisces over her life and the lives of her parents. The same is the case for Idun Hov, the main character in the novel by Hobæk Haff. War events are very much present in the life stories of the two women Karin (the psydonym for Kjerst) and Idun. Otherwise their stories diverge pending among other things on the political position and standing of their fathers. Karin's father was a political radical and communist who was engaged in the resistance movement. For fear of being captured and risk reprisals against his family, his wife and their baby Karin fled to Sweden where they stayed until the termination of the war.
  Idun Hov's father was a clergyman, described as an apolitical person who by circumstances had been trained and schooled through the benevolence of the priest Quisling at Fyrresdal and his son Vidkun Quisling. As a result of old obligations, loyalties and passivity when it came to membership in the Nazi political party, he was accused of being a traitor and was sentenced to several years  imprisonment after the war. During his trial he lacked the fighting spirit needed to defend himself when he was unjustly accused of specific acts.  Idun identifying strongly with her father, assumed his fate and bore his shame.
 

   Karin's story

  Karin's story focuses on the lives of her parents and their relationship. Her intention in writing about their lives as individuals and as members of her family is to try to convert the guilt she feels in relation to her parents into more tender and loving feelings at a stage of life where she alone bears the memories of their life together. The book illustrates how biographies can be shaped by a social heritage passed down through generations as it intermingles and is reinforced by events on the level of society.
  Karin's life is exposed and interpreted in relation to her parents. She lives the war years in Sweden as a refugee together with her mother, but she has little to say about how the separation from her father and her home country affected her later life and relationships. Nevertheless, her book is in my opinion a valuable personal document about the long-term effects of war on peoples' lives.
   Father Erling meets mother Iris at a masquerade. They develop a relationship of mutual attraction only to learn later on about the incompatibility of their life projects. They are both deeply frustrated by the fate of their parents and their upbringing, he from a ruined bourgeois family in Oslo and she from circumstances that she throughout her life tries to hide and obliterate. As Karin finally discovers ten years after her mother's death, she was the daughter of a 17 year old girl and a father she never knew. She was raised by foster parents but bore the family name of her biological father.
  The parents develop different strategies in order to change life circumstances for the better. Erling has intellectual and artistic ambitions as a revolutionary writer engaged in the communist movement. Iris sees her possibilities in the traditional role of a respected housewife marrying a person who hopefully will bring her a decent family name, a nice home and a social position that corresponds to her aspirations. When Norway is occupied by the Germans in April 1940, Erling joins the partisan movement and volunteers for dangerous tasks of sabotage. He has to seek out new places to stay and sleep to avoid being captured and when the daughter Karin is born, he deems it too risky for them to stay and Iris flees to Sweden with her baby while Erling continues illegal work in Norway. Mother and daughter remain in Sweden until the end of the war.
  The war drastically interrupts family life. It creates a geographical distance that adds to a growing mental and emotional distance between the spouses. When the war finally ends, Erling eagerly awaits the reunion of the family, but Iris hesitates to go back. The book does not tell what mostly attracts her to a life as a refugee and a single mother in Sweden, but she might have had premonitions of a life in poverty and misery waiting for her in Norway. When Iris and Karin return, Erling is offered a position as the editor of the communist newspaper in Trondheim. He accepts and the family moves to Trondheim.
  The post-war period was difficult for the Communist partisans. They were soon considered suspicious and were alienated from the common celebration of peace and victory. Their heroic fight against the Nazi regime was barely recognised, the expected world revolution came to a halt and according to the author they were excluded from the integrative processes of restoring war damages. The Communist paper edited by Karin's father soon collapsed due to lack of subscribers. Unemployed and poor in a country with a huge scarcity of housing owing to the war, the family had to accept a small apartment in a somewhat poor district of Trondheim. Erling finally got work in a factory that for some time inspired him to write enthusiastically about industry and the production values created by the workers. But soon he found factory work incompatible with his aspirations as a writer and he started to work as a school teacher at small and isolated places where there were vacant posts. Thus he was again on the move, separated from his family.
  The war brought interruption and postponement in Erling's life ans in his role as the provider of the family. He attained his formal qualifications when it was almost too late to use them for the benefit of his family. The author describes the fate of her father as if he had never really gotten started on the life project that he recognised as his own. He soon found his marriage in bits and pieces and the mental peace and quiet he needed for his writing was gone with the anguish and fear of the war trials.
  What Iris desired for herself and her daughter – such as fine things in the home, nice clothes and jewellery - were regarded as despicable by her husband. She too had to work in a factory to improve family finances. Being less articulate, intellectual and argumentative than the rest of the family, her response was to withdraw and to seek protection through appeals of pity related to her unhappy childhood. Iris' situation illustrates the way structural phenomena shape biographies. Her life course and personality was to a large extent influenced by her mother's out of wedlock pregnancy and the incurring social degradation, imprinting on her the feelings of an outcast. However, as the author sees her mother she also illustrates a gendered situation typical for the time when women existed only in relation to others:
       Their lives were cut in bit and pieces for others to take what they needed. Only in this way did they become visible (p.6).
  The unhappy marriage was one of the main ingredients that constituted the emotional climate of the family. Karin gives the following description:
       The only child became too dear.... I lived in the middle of forces that dragged and bothered them. I was taken along or left outside without knowing why as were I in a strange land where barricades are built and torn down, streets and districts shut off and reopened, where goods disappear from the shelves later to reappear, angry words to hear through the night, but nothing to see. Something goes on which you do not understand, something which is not yours. But it becomes a part of you because you have to arrange your days according to the rhythms of the barricades if there is any rhythm. And this is exactly what you have to find out if there is a rhythm so that it gets a bit safer to put your foot down ( p.80).
  The author reflects on children's needs to seek out patterns in family interaction, especially when relationships are difficult or disturbing. What is of interest in the war generation project is to differentiate between the impacts of the Second World War on family histories and individual biographies and the impact of a social heritage caused by other social circumstances such as economic ruin and social degradation, the fate of an unwed mother and a gender pattern that makes love and marriage the one and only desirable way of living for women. A reasonable conclusion that may be drawn from Father and Mother  is that the turmoil of war made the inherent tensions and incompatibilities in the pair relationship more acute and much more difficult to overcome.
  As Karin felt mostly attracted to the intellectual and verbal orientation of her father, she came to see her mother through his eyes. In this way she became even more distant in relation to her mother. She feels at the same time too distant and too close, a sticky way of closeness.
  Karin, the author turned into a competent women who qualified herself scientifically as a criminologist as well as a poet. She is also politically active, joining the left wing socialist party. In many ways she seems to have realised the vital concerns and life projects of her father, although they are characterised by her experiences as a woman and as a unique individual.
  Karin reflects about the impact of the war and the German occupation on peoples' minds:
       How did the survivors stumble into peace and the years thereafter?....Father went into illegal work with open eyes. He knew the risks. But the sedatives? This enormous reservoir of fear and anxiety, how did it trickle into the peace period? How many were the homes where the war continued like a ghost that cursed wives and children? ( p.18).

  For some years Karin found comfort in prayers, a ritual that she kept secret because of her father's atheistic attitude. Her prayers for protection made fears and anxiety bearable. As she grew older her prayers ended and she had to manage without the consolation she had felt in trusting God. Her anxiety again became more acute. In periods she mostly feared disease and illness, or it could be a horror of war that came to the forefront. She tried to relieve herself by sharing her feelings with her father, asking him if he believed in life after death, only to be met with an attitude of denial and avoidance. She connects her feelings of frustration at this point to the decisive steps she took as an adult:
       There was no consolation either in a heavenly father or in the father on earth. I reached out for the solution that has become most common in our times: Love. My anguish went as a homeless cat from one man's stairs to another ( p.85).

  She bears the fate and misfortune of her parents also after they are dead. She feels that her mother's need for protection colonises her and makes her less responsive to the helplessness of her own children (p. 98). She compares herself to a Chinese box that keeps the helpless mother inside her, who again carries her helpless mother within her. There are too many children with unmet needs, and Karin lacks the strength to care for all of them.
  Karin's family story is a story about life's major dramas: Love, violence, war, poverty, and social degradation. In spite of this Karin describes her story as a story where nothing really happened. The war interrupts and postpones. Karin's story exemplifies those who survived but who were never able to catch up. Karin - belonging to the war generation - has also paid a price for her parent's lost years on a psychological and emotional level. In spite of this she has been able to use her talents and to achieve a position in society that her parents could only dream of.
 

   Idun

  The story about the Shame covers a broader time span. It is written as a family chronicle covering most of the 20th century. A brief summary hardly does justice to the complexity of the novel. I will extract aspects that illuminate the impact of war experiences on the main character Idun.
  Idun's story starts when she is in her late 50s, writing her autobiography while a patient in a mental hospital. She is kept in a closed ward. She has become a drug addict and has brought herself to a state when she is no longer able to care for herself. This is the validation that her sister, a doctor, gives for keeping her in a mental hospital without her consent. Writing her story helps her resist the disintegrating experience of being a patient in a mental hospital. At this point in her life she has a certain reputation as an author of novels, poetry and drama.
  The story begins with the biographies of Idun's grandfathers. This illustrates the importance that is accorded to men for the fate of families. It further demonstrates how biographies develop in intergenerational contexts, how social upheavals like war hit a family and contribute to the course of individual destinies.
  The maternal grandfather Andreas is a talented outgoing person who succeeds as a businessman in a small community marrying the daughter of his boss. His wife dies when the only surviving child, a daughter Maria, is still young. The father sees his two dead sons as his punishment for having sinned, and he cultivates a rather strict attitude toward his beloved daughter. He engages himself in the religious movement of the pietists where he is elected leader.
   As a young woman in her late teens Maria longs for romantic adventures and sees her chance when a young and good-looking clergyman is hired to serve in the local church. A mutual attraction develops during mass when the choir assists the priest and Maria, who sings the solo voice in soprano, falls in to supplement the solo parties of the priest, heightening the musical quality of the mass. Maria is determined to encourage the advances of the priest Vemund, and she finds a place where they can meet in secrecy.  Soon Maria gets pregnant. Marriage is arranged  - very much to the dismay of her father who never forgives his son-in-law for having seduced his daughter.
  Shortly after the wedding, which was held without any festivity, the incompatibility of their characters comes to the foreground. Their love affair brings a child who has Down's syndrome. Maria refuses to care for the child that she does not recognise as hers. She cries, she loses her milk and the child dies. As Idun describes her mother, Maria was never able to mother her children after this experience. She could bring them moments of sweetness, but mostly she let the maids take care of them and was likely to more or less forget them. She longs for the tasks she used to have in her father's office where she would observe young sailors returning from their boats, and feeling admired for her beauty. Idun felt constantly unwelcome and out of place in the circles of her mother. Maria despises and accuses her husband of not having brought her the glamour and happiness she had expected/anticipated.
  Idun's father,Vemund, grew up on a farm with an ambitious and tyrannical father, a mother and siblings. Kind words were rarely exchanged in the family. As the eldest son he was expected to inherit the farm. He disliked farming and was always carrying a book to read. One day he simply took his personal belongings and left. He hoped to be able to get an education in exchange for working. He managed to graduate in theology with the help of the old clergyman Quisling and his son Vidkun who was to become ministerpresident in Norway during the German occupation. He further qualified for a doctorate in Germany in 1933.
  Vemund, although less ambitious and more sympathetic than his father, has difficulty controlling his emotions. Like his father he has spells of violent outbursts of rage. He had the difficult fate of breaking off from his father/family, managing by himself and being despised for not fitting in with the other pupils in the secondary school where he learned Latin. He had no one to confide in and who could help him to break out of self-destructive thought patterns. His old loyalities to the Quisling family give him a bad reputation of siding with the Nazis, and he gives his services in an almost empty church. He is, however, loved and admired by his daughter Idun who has a similar independent, searching and rebellious character. In the deep split of the Hov family, Idun sides with her father, her sister sides with her mother.
  Idun was born a few years before the war. The war experience hit her in dramatic ways. Her father's involvement with the Nazi party and German officers increased her feelings of estrangement and isolation. She assumed the shame that followed her father's position during the war and the post-war period when he was sentenced as a traitor and had to spend several years in prison. She also meets her lover and guardian Aron as a result of the war. Idun's relationship with the Jewish boy Aron develops in her grandfather's house where Aron hides  together with his mother. This is not altogether a heroic act by Andreas - the grandfather who sexually exploits Aron's mother.
  In Aron, Idun recognises the intellecutal aspirations of her father. They plan a life together in Israel. Aron manages to flee to Israel, bringing his mother with him. Andreas, who never forgives Aron for having deprived him of his mistress, destroys Aron's letters to Idun. In this way both Idun and Aron give up hope in the relationship. Idun is left alone and pregnant and goes to Denmark to give birth in secrecy. She gives their child away for adoption. After this she never stops thinking of and seeking for her lost child. She gets training as a nurse, life goes on, Idun in a rather restless and nervous state of mind. A feeling of bringing shame on her family and of not being able to fit in made her live her life constantly on the move without a sense of belonging.
  When she seems to have reached a dead end in her life, contact with Aron is re-established. He is at this point in life a practising lawyer, still single and with his love for Idun intact. He goes to Norway and manages to undo Idun's involuntary hospitalisation. Their love finally gets a chance and Idun sets off for new discoveries far away from her native country where she felt so full of shame.
 

   Concluding remarks

  Although the fathers of Karin and Idun held contrasting roles during the war, there are common features in the life stories of the two daughters. Both were raised in the shade of serious marital conflicts. Both fathers were frustrated in attaining their life goals and were conditioned by a social and emotional heritage amplified by the war. Both daughters identified with their intellectual and artistically-oriented fathers. Both felt alienated from their frustrated and complaining mothers who could only wait for a man to fulfil their social aspirations.
  A tentative conclusion relating to the impact of war illustrated by the life stories of the two women may be suggested. The war frustrated social and professional aspirations in the parental generation, with heavy emotional costs to  both parents and children. Yet the post-war priorities of equality across class and gender cleavages opened up new opportunities for women who found new arenas of agency.  Although Idun was in the end rescued by the man she loved, she had made herself visible in public life as an author. Her creative efforts as a writer had made her reunion with Aron possible. Daughters born during the war, here illustrated by the two figures Karin and Idun,  transcended the waiting roles of their mothers. They  became more competent and able to shape their own life course.
 

   Literature

  Ericson, Kjersti 1998: Far og mor. Oktober., Oslo.
  Erikson, Erik H. 1963: Childhood and Society. W.W. Norton, New York.
  Davies,  Browny 1992: Women's subjectivity and feminist stories. C. Ellis and M. Flaherty eds. Investigating subjectivity. Research on lived experience. Sage, Londo, pp.53-76.
  Elder, Glen 1974: Children of the great depression: Social change in life experience. University of Chicago Press,  London.
  Freud, Anna  and D. T. Burlingham 1973: War and children., Greenwood Press. Westport.
  Friedan, Betty 1982: The feminine mystique, Harmondsworth 1982.
  Giddens, Antony.1991: Modernity and self-identity. Polity Press. Cambridge.
  Gullestad, Marianne 1996: Modernity, self , and childhood in the analysis of life stories.M.Gullestad ed. Imagined childhoods. Self and society in autobiographical accounts.  Scandinavian University Press, Oslo. pp.1-39.
  Kvanmo, Hanna 1990: Dommen. Gyldendal. Oslo
  Haff, Bergljot Hobæk Haff 1996: Skammen. Gyldendal, Oslo.
  Hjeltnes, Guri 1986: Hverdagsliv i krig: Norge 1940-45. Aschehoug, Oslo 1987.
  Procter, Harry 1996: The family construct system. D. Kalekin-Fishman and B. Walker eds. The construction of group realities. Krieger, Malabar.pp.........
  Skrede, Kari 1999: Kvinners levekår, livsløp og helse. Kvinners helse i Norge. NOU 1999: 13., pp.283-326.


University of Bremen
Special Research Centre 186

Status Passages and Risks in the Life Course
 
 
 
 
 
 

Stability and Change in Biographies under

Conditions of Systemic Transformation:

An Empirical Approach to Frames and Habits


by Olaf Struck

(in cooperation with Faith Dasko)
 
 
 
 
 

University of Bremen
Special Research Centre 186
Wiener Straße / FVG-West
Postfach 30 04 40
28334 Bremen
Germany

Tel.: 49 / (0)421 / 218-4145
Fax: 49 / (0)421 / 218-4153
email: ostruck@sfb186.uni-bremen.de
 
 
 
 

This paper was submitted to the 4th European Sociological Association Conference
 "Will Europe Work?", Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands, August 18-21, 1999.

Introduction

The '"incorporation" (Mayer 1993: 39) of the GDR into FRG's existing system of institutions have led to a dynamic process of change in the living situation of East Germans. In the following paper stability and change of various dimensions of individual coping strategies are to be examined. To do this, I analytically distinguish four elements from one another: frames, habits, utilization of available resources, and framing. It is the stability and change of these elements which are theoretically and practically relevant in everyday situations and determine decisions of facting biographical events. Theoretically Goffman's studies using frame analysis, Schütz's studies of relevant structures and the unfamiliar, Esser's use of rational choice and frames in his analyses as well as the investigations of Bourdieu, Berger and Luckmann, or Elias into habitus, all have been incapable of providing concrete information on questions of how and under what conditions change occurs in structures of relevance and habits. This analysis is relevant for everyday practical matters, since it is important with respect to social integration to know for instance, whether and to what extent mentalities and habits endure social and socio-cultural changes. Indeed in the studies of societal transformation deficiencies in socialization are considered by many authors the cause of dissatisfaction and as an obstacle in the process of societal modernization.
In the following twelve minutes I will briefly describe the research design; in a second step, the central theoretical concepts; and in a third and last step, one illustrative interview, representative of our main results, will be presented.
 

Research design

The study is based on 47 biographical interviews of college graduates and those who had completed an apprenticeship both of the class of 1985 and 1990 (Struck-Möbbeck/u.a. 1996). The 1985 cohorts entered occupational and family life under the GDR regime, the 1990 cohort stepped into occupational and familial self-sufficiency under new conditions determined by the unified Federal Republic. Both cohorts were interviewed towards the end of 1992 or beginning of 1993. A second interview took place three years later. This methodical and theoretical approach systematically takes account of time dependency of the data. For one, it was possible to ascertain the different respective circumstances under which each of the two cohorts started this life phase. Secondly, continuity and discontinuity of elements of coping strategies were capable of being systematically compared on the basis of respondents' statements at two different points in time.
 

Theoretical framework

A glance at the available literature reviews that there is a problem of conceptual clarity of frames, framing and habitus. Thus, there is a need for methodical and theoretical precision before we proceed to the central question, when and to what extent individual adaptation of frames and habits occurs.
Goffman describes frames as structures that are capable of recognizing »what is actually going on« (Goffman 1977: 16). For Goffman, frames are socially predetermined structures. Similarly Schütz (1971, 1972a, 1972b) speaks of "structures of relevance". This has to be contrasted to framing as an individual understanding of meaning in a decision-making situation. The distinction between the definition of a situation and that of an individual decision in connection with an action aimed towards a specific end is gladly neglected. As when, for example, the rational choice theoretician, Esser, disregards relevant imposing externalities and, instead, confines himself to framing as "a simplification of situations in relation to a dominant goal" (Esser 1990: 242, 1991).
Let's remain with Goffman's distinction between "frame as structure" and "frame in use" (Crook/Taylor 1980: 247). Then the frame is "a potential world that answers all questions about what it is that shall be taken by participants as real, and how it is that they should be involved in this reality" (Gonos 1977: 860). The concept thereby points to biographical disposition, i.e. to an intermediary "relay station" (Elias 1980, Vol. 2) between frame as structure and framing or frame in use, respectively. This disposition is to be referred to as habitus.
Habitus constitutes out of all potential worlds of frames the vital, specific and appropriate worlds of framing. If frames
determine what constitutes the situation, so then do habits determine how a situation is reacted to. Bourdieu elaborates: "The conditioning which is connected to a certain class of conditions of subsistence (for example the secure living situation of a generation or a social class - the authors), generate forms of habitus as systems of longer lasting and transmittable dispositions" (Bourdieu 1987: 98). Gehlen – or, following him, Berger and Luckmann (1969) - already spoke much earlier of "systems of stereotypical and more stabilized habits" (Gehlen 1986: 19), Elias speaks of "apparatuses of habit" (1980, Vol. 2: 320ff.). Less Bourdieu and Elias than much rather Gehlen (1957: 104ff.) and Berger and Luckmann (1969: 23ff.; 47ff.; 56) see in the capability to change a socially adapted habit a gain in the capability to act in unpredictable an unfamiliar decision-making situations. Here routine creates room for innovation. On the other hand, Gehlen and Berger and Luckmann stress, as do principally Elias and Bourdieu as well, that habitus creates limits whose generation is predisposed to limits (Bourdieu 1987: 102ff.).
Framing as the actual generator of ends and means thus has a social and biographical history which can be expressed in terms of frames and habits. Moreover it is related to individual usable resources. We find this mediating relationship chiefly by Bourdieu and Elias, in the latter case particularly in his description of court society. Along with the material conditions, social capital determines specific contexts of interaction. And the possibility to develop cultural capital is associated with the different levels of capability to build strategies and to reflect upon one's own actions and the actions from others (Bourdieu 1982, 1983, Elias 1980, Vol. 2: 370ff., 1983).
This theoretical consideration constituted the basis of model of biographical action (Figure 1).

 Figure 1:  Model of Biographical Action

  (this figure is unfortunately not available because of compatibility problems  JPR)
 

In this model against the background of their respective frames, i.e. the structure of relevance which was generated in the process of interaction, actors perceive the range of options with respect to their occupational and private lives. They then choose a dominant goal and a means to this end in the form of framing on the basis of their frames and habits as well as their social, economic and cultural resources. Decisions are thus made on the basis of related experiences and transmitted into action.
At the same time, looking at the dynamic process of societal change, concrete questions follow from these theoretical considerations:
First, how have the structures of resources available to East Germans for everyday life changed?
Second, have frames, i.e. the interactively gained cognition of a situation, changed?
Third, have habitual dispositions changed or have they remained stable over time and thus continue to direct individual strategies in relation to general practices even if these no longer suit a changed environment?
And, finally, this question is of interest in connection with our general topic "generation and change", do frames and habits remain stable across cohorts or do particular elements of actions related to biographical events change so that one can, on the basis of substantive grounds, speak of a process of generation formation "in the mainstream of societal events", as put by Mannheim (1978: 39)?
 

Findings

Let's take a look at the results by focusing on an illustrative case.
Mrs. Einser, born in 1969, completes her education as a chemical technician in 1985. After the birth of her first child in 1986 and her first marriage that followed, she was having continuous health problems and consequently took parental leave for a year. Subsequently, she wanted to return to the job market but could not find a free space for child care for her infant. Angered, she refused to participate in the obligatory national elections of the delegates to the GDR legislative body, the People's Chamber. She elaborates:
(I quote) "I refused the ballots in the first place, I was angry that I did not get a place at a nursery. ...Then I was visited by a delegate who made me an offer ... I was then an assistant at an infant care center."
Once a member of the staff, she managed to assert herself despite the tremendous opposition she faced since she was not formally qualified to work in child care. Directly following the political changes in 1989/1990, she began, parallel to her job, to attend a vocational training program in business financing. Her parents who became by then unemployed, took on the responsibilities of caring for her child. During this period her husband had also become jobless repeatedly. In 1993, she became self-employed with the help of a governmental program. At the second interview, we were informed that she had become the victim of a fraud which had serious financial consequences. The lack of emotional support in this matter by her husband motivated her to file for divorce:
(I quote) "He said: »Give it up and find yourself a real job«. And I could just not see it that way after having invested so much effort and everything. And I was of the opinion that I would make it ... and I did."
She looked for emotional support from another partner. She soon became self-confident again and was able to expand her business. Today she employs three workers. Her child who has now reached the age of eight, is still taken care of by her grandparents and her uncle when her mother is occupied for business reasons.
Let's get back to the central question of stability and change of elements of biographical actions.
Continuity and change in one's biography is shaped by an actor's cognition and knowledge of institutional conditions and society's risks. If the East German living situation had been characterized by stability and security – provided that this had met with political approval – this situation became flexible and uncertain after the political changes in 1989.
The changes in the social and economic circumstances were accompanied by changes in accessible individual resources. The respondent sees:
(I quote) "there was a general increase in prices ..., joblessness, my husband had already been laid off before, ... Also the situation for women who had a career, for instance, I was told from the very beginning that I could not be placed since I had two children."
She finds the situation to be threatening. She realizes:
(I quote) "A lot can go sour just because of being afraid of not having a job."
She thereby names the main frame: the holding or regaining of occupational security. Even if under the GDR regime developing an occupational career, starting a family and keeping up friendships were described as being equally important, in the process of framing as soon as the political climate and conditions changed, only securing one's position in an occupation was discussed as a central frame.
Resources and frames have changed. In contrast, the habitus remained stable. Hence, this offers room for such innovative solutions as suggested by Berger and Luckmann and Gehlen. With her goal in sight, Mrs. Einser courageously continued before and after the transition to work towards realizing her interests despite all opposition. Her self-confidence remained intact and she confidently uses her support system of family and friends – which she built up before the political and economic transition – to seek child care and emotional support. If certain individuals do not provide the necessary support needed to progress in her career, they are replaced.
The following generalizations can be made. Irregardless of the general and personal insecurities, the habitus remained stable over and beyond the major social transformation. At the same time, inspite of the stability of the habitus, the cognition of situations was able to change. Framing by East Germans was characterized by a high degree of pragmatism although quickly after the reunification occupational security was a dominant frame among the structures of relevance.
Finally the question remains as to what can be inferred, based on these findings, with respect to the forming of generations. When referring to generations, we mean a group of persons born in years which more or less share common socio-temporal experiences. In addition, "common experiences are above all influential if they shape the formative years of the cohorts" (Becker 1989: 77). Generations can be identified by others on the basis of external characteristics as a "community of common experiences" but may also develop a "collective identity" of their own (Leggewie 1995: 61ff.; 1998: 16ff.). Considering our results, we can certainly point to a "generation of the transitional period" (Struck et al. 1998). For one, they were all on the whole equally strongly affected by the risks of the societal transformation - of course each individual differently. Secondly, they share similar structures of relevance; and to our surprise, the findings reveal the processes of framing among the cohort are quite homogeneous. In our sample, this is evident of the sample of respondents who were completing their vocational training at the age of about eighteen at the time of the transition as well as the 1985 cohort of college graduates who were nearing the age of thirty at the time. However, this so-called generation of the transitional period has not confidently identified themselves as a part of this community of common experiences. For this it would be necessary that not only frames and framing but also habitus be exposed to constant pressure to adapt. Only then would it have been possible that a collective process of habit development occurred – a precondition to development of collective identity.
 

Summary

An investigation into stability and change in biographies gave cause to analytically differentiate between the levels of frames, habits and framing. Only then was it possible to understand human actions under conditions of social change. In our study, this meant, for example, that it was not the deficiencies in socialization attributed to a premodern society (Gaus 1983, Geißler 1992, Pollack 1990, Srubar 1991) and custodial state (Henrich 1989) as propounded by modernization theorists (Mayntz 1992: 23), which evoked a nostalgic wave of criticism by East Germans after the reunification. Indeed, habits have remained stable but this stability has not hindered a realistic cognition of the situation or a pragmatic goal-oriented behavior in response to a new living situation.
 

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Mannheim, Karl (1978): Das Problem der Generationen. In: Kohli, M., Soziologie des Lebenslaufs. Darmstadt und Neuwied: Kiepenheuer & Witsch: 33-53 (teilweiser Nachdruck). Original in: Kölner Vierteljahreshefte für Soziologie, (7) 1928/29: 157-184 und 309-330. Vollständiger Nachdruck in: Wolff, Kurt-H. 1964 (Hg.), Karl Mannheim. Wissenssoziologie. Auswahl aus dem Werk. Berlin-Neuwied: 509-565
Mayntz, Renate (1992): Modernisierung und die Logik von interorganisatorischen Netzwerken. In: Journal für Sozialforschung 32: 19-32
Pollack, D. (1990): Das Ende einer Organisationsgesellschaft. Systemtheoretische Überlegungen zum gesellschaftlichen Umbruch in der DDR. In: Zeitschrift für Sozio-logie 19. S. 292-307
Schütz, Alfred (1971): Strukturen der Lebenswelt. In: ders. Gesammelte Aufsätze. Band 3. Studien zur phänomenologischen Philosophie. Den Haag: Martin Nijhoff: 153-170
Schütz, Alfred (1972a): Die soziale Welt und die Theorie der Handlung. In: ders.: Gesammelte Aufsätze. Band 2. Studien zur soziologischen Theorie. Den Haag: Martin Nijhoff: 3-21
Schütz, Alfred (1972b): Der Fremde. Ein sozialpsychologischer Versuch. In: ders.: Gesammelte Aufsätze. Band 2. Studien zur soziologischen Theorie. Den Haag: Martin Nijhoff: 53-69
Srubar, Ilja (1991): War der reale Sozialismus modern? Versuch einer strukturellen Bestimmung. In: Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 43: 415-432
Struck-Möbbeck, Olaf/u.a. (1996): Gestaltung berufsbiographischer Diskontinuität. (Sonderforschungsbereich 186 der Universität Bremen – Arbeitspapier 38). Bremen
Struck, Olaf/u.a. (1998): Die Generation der Wendezeit. (Sonderforschungsbereich 186 der Universität Bremen – Arbeitspapier 49). Bremen
 
 

Questions:

How have the structures of resources available to East Germans for everyday life changed?
Have frames, i.e. the interactively gained cognition of a situation, changed?
Have habitual dispositions changed or have they remained stable over time and thus continue to direct individual strategies in relation to general practices even if these no longer suit a changed environment?
Do frames and habits remain stable across cohorts or do particular elements of actions related to biographical events change so that one can on the basis of substantive grounds speak of a process of generation formation "in the mainstream of societal events" (Mannheim 1978: 39)?
 
 


Anna Temkina, PhD
European University at St.Petersburg

SEXUAL SCRIPTS IN WOMEN’S BIOGRAPHIES


4th European Conference of Sociology
August 18-21, 1999, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
Research network Biographical Perspective on European Societies. Session 2.
 

 This paper is devoted to the analysis of the scripts of women’s sexual behavior in Russian society, which are reconstructed on the basis of the biographical interviews with 25 middle-class women of three generations (Finnish-Russian project, 1996-1997).

The following issues are raised here:
(1) Methodology. The script approach as a methodology of social constructivism research of sexuality.
(2)  Ideal types of sexual scripts represented in women’s sexual biographies.
(3) The script of sexual pleasure as the special way of construction of sexuality. The process of doing gender in this sexual script.
 

(1). Methodological approach.


In this paper the concept of ‘script’ is applied to the analysis of the social construction of women’s sexual biographies.
Methodological approach of social constructivism is based on the following assumptions:
- The way we study the world is determined by certain concepts, categories and methods
- The concepts and categories we use vary considerably in their meanings across cultures and time
- Descriptions and explanations of the world are themselves forms of social action

Social constructivist approach has been applied to the research of sexuality since 70es (Gagnon and Simon, 1973). Sexuality is looked upon as a cultural construct (a set of learned behavior patterns).
The theory of scripts has been applied to the research on sexuality in the Western sociology and psychology from the 70-es. Scripts are considered as trajectories of sexual life course.  According to Laumann, Gangon, Michael and Michael (1994) scripting theory is applied for the explanation of how sexual scripts specify with whom people have sex, when and where they should have sex, what they should do sexually, and why they should do sexual things (p.4). They argue that socio-cultural processes play a fundamental role in determining of what is perceived to be "sexual" and how sexuality is constructed and interpreted. Patterns of sexual conduct are assumed to be culturally determined. Individual scripts (as presented by informers) are looked upon as the cases of implementation of cultural instructions.
 Sexual script approach is the variant of social constructivism within the framework of research on sexuality. Cultural scenarios are consider to be the instructions for sexual and other conducts that are embedded in the cultural narratives that are provided as guides or instructions for all conducts. Mainly this approach is applied to the analysis of sexual practices in the special order in different generations and different strata. The less attention is given to the meanings of sexual behavior, which influence the script’s construction.
I assume that cultural meaning of sexual behavior (appropriate for a milieu, generation, age, status, and gender) frames the personal story about sexual life. This meaning might change during life course; it needs justifications and explanations. A person categorizes sexual experience using available cultural instruments. Biographical data gives the possibilities to analyze what are these categories, through which sexuality is constructed in personal narratives.
This implies the analysis of the categories, in which a person describes sexual experience, and the analysis of the instruments, which are used for this categorization (procedures of comparison, opposition, and moral approval). Silverman’s method of Membership categorization (adaptation of Sack’s method) is used for text analysis (Silverman, 1997).
For this purpose: 1. ideal types of scripts are being explored, 2. categorization work is analyzed in application to narratives, where sex is constructed in the sense of "pleasure", 3. gender construction is looked upon as the instrument for the interpretation of sexuality. Different sexual scripts both express and construct gender culture, which is presented by respondents in the narratives about appropriated gender behavior, gender norms, and gender expectations.

The empirical data. For this analysis were used biographical interviews with 18 middle-class woman (all elder than 27 years; 6 biographies – 57-63 years, 7 – 39-48 years and 5 – 27-34 years). Interviews include the following issues: childhood, adolescence, sexual debut, marriage, and divorce, parallel relationships, relationship with steady partner(s). Questions about sex talk with partner, about love and jealousy, about youth sexual experiences, about violent sex, about contraception, childbirth and abortion, about sexual transmitted diseases were raised.
 

(2) Sexual scripts in women’s biographies.


I distinguish the following ideal types of sexual scripts of the Russian middle-class women.
1) The script of "pronatal sexuality": sexual life is described as reproductive/family life,
2) The romantic script: sexual life as expression of emotions and feelings (first of all love),
3) The script of sexual pleasure: sexual life oriented toward sexual pleasure,
4) The script of communicative sex: sexual life as the way of informal  (or intellectual, or friendly) communication.

The ideal types of scripts were reconstructed on the basis of empirical material. Different scripts can be found in the same life-story at the different stages of one’s life cycle or in different sexual relationships.
I assume that stories about sexual practices in a narrative are organized according to the meaning of sex. Ideal types of scripts differ according to the meaning of the following issues:
n About what this story generally is?
n How the lose of virginity (and/or sexual debut) is described?
n How preferences in sexual relations are described?
n Who is the partner?
n Which kind of sexual relationships are the most widespread?
n On what depend sexual pleasure and satisfaction?
n How sexual practices are described?
n What categories are used in the sexual vocabulary?
 After the analysis of different scripts I will explore the systems of references and categorization in one special kind of script to analyze how "real" script is constructed.

n Script "Pronatal sexuality".

How this story is constructed? Which categories are used?
This story is about couple relationships, mainly about marriage. It includes the following issues:
1) Lack of sex education and romantic love as a first sub-sexual experience
2) Acquaintance with husband, sexual debut with him
3) Marriage shapes sexual life
4) A partner is a husband
5) Sexual life is the synonym of marriage, it is described as relationships with husband, this is a story about childbirth and abortions
6) Difficulties in discussing of sexuality and problematising of sexual satisfaction are often mentioned
7)  Sexual practices are mostly not described at all.

Sex is combined with reproduction and marriage. It is described as monotonous, routine and unsatisfactory.

"Sexual life was defective, but I got used to it"

n Romantic script. "Sex is the instrument of love".

How this story is constructed? Sex is constructed as the way of love, it is described as an attribute of "love", "amorousness". Narrative is constructed as the series of romantic and emotional stories. Sex story is the story of emotions and not of the technique. Sex is a by-product of feelings. Love is the basic category in the sex vocabulary, through which reflexive project (Giddens, 1992) of self is organized.
This is a story about
1)  Romantic amorousness
2)  Sex debut in love
3)  Love feeling as the main reason to have sexual relationships (in marriage or in extramarital relationship)
4)  A partner is a lover
5)  Steady relationships with a lover
6)  Sexual pleasure and satisfaction depend on feelings and emotions
7)   Sexual practices are described with some constrains and difficulties

"Sex is the consequence of feelings and the instrument of love. You have sex if you have attachment to a person"
 

n Script of communicative sex.

 In this script sex is described through the category of "communication".  Sex is interpreted as an instrument to show respect and friendship and to express commonality of interest. It is typical for certain milieu where you also encounter the stories of group sex or changing partners.
This is a story about
1)  Friendship and common interests
2)   The lost of virginity "happened for company", childbirth also "took place for company"
3)  Common interests are the main reason to have sexual relationship (in marriage or in extramarital relationships), this interests are rooted in a joint work  or milieu
4)  Partner is a friend. A lot of irony is used for labeling a partner  - he is a "human being", "boy", "heroic lover", "cavalier", etc.  Communication, negotiation and talk are the most important in the relationships: "my sexual preferences depend on my interests, in addition to common interests, this is another language for already existing relationships". Partner belongs to the same milieu. Sex is a subject for discussion with partner
5)  Sexual relationships are described as a series of marital, extramarital or parallel relations, both steady and casual
6)  Sexual pleasure and satisfaction are described as the object of negotiation
7)  Sexual practices are widely described, but mostly as direct response for the questions of interviewer

"Understanding", "common interests", "language", "personal relationship" are the main categories in the sexual vocabulary.

"Sexuality exists since it exists in language. We are getting closer to each other not in order to have orgasm, but in order to talk and communicate". "We do sex to talk"

n Sex as pleasure.

Sex is being described as autonomous sphere of life. Autonomous sex is considered to be natural drive and expression of personality. Sex is distinguished from love, marriage, and reproduction. A story includes detailed description of sexual technique. "I believe I was born with sexual feelings".
This is a story about
1) Sexual feelings, sexual practices and sexual technique
2)  Sexual feeling are described since childhood, virginity is seen as something that one should get rid of  as soon as possible, it might be lost with casual partner
3)  The main reason to have sexual relationships is "to give pleasure and to take pleasure", they are compatible with the satisfaction of hunger or appetite; sexual relationship is a "play" or an "art"
4)  Partner is a sexual partner, boyfriend, or a casual partner. Sex is a subject for discussion
5)  Sexual relationships are separated from marriage and love, they are described as a series of parallel relations, including lesbian sex and group sex
6)  Sexual satisfaction is the immanent feature of sex
7)  Sexual practices and technique are described in details.

The main categories in the sexual vocabulary are those which directly describe sexual practices.

"I decide not to confuse sex and love… I can have sex with a person whom I have no feelings". ‘"Sex is the greatest pleasure given to human being by nature"
 

These frames don’t embrace all the possibilities of interpretation of sexual conduct. Other kinds of interpretation could be also found in the texts. For example, sex as "status achievement", "self-realization", "material support", "for the need of the health", but they are rarely presented as integral narrative. "Violence" is another important problem in a sexual life, but it could be looked upon as the project organizing the whole life.
Ideal types of script are very rarely completely represented in a concrete biography. Frames are being changed during the life course; the existence of different frames of interpretations creates the system of references, in comparison and opposition to which the moral approval of sexual behavior is constructed.
 

 (3) Sex as a pleasure


Further on I will give the analysis of sexual biographies, which include narratives of autonomous sphere of sex-pleasure and give to it special meanings. No biography is organized as the project of implementation sexual behavior as "pure" pleasure (in comparison with "pure" pronatal, romantic and communicative scripts). This kind of sex is always described in comparison with another meanings of sexual conduct.
The task here is to uncover the systems of reference for the description of sex-pleasure. These systems include sex education and sex initiation, sexual relationships, preceding attitudes of informants and her partners. Implicit and explicit comparison and opposition of different sexual meanings in different relationships create the system of classification (distinction).  Differentiation of sexual meanings and it’s "cultural classification" is implemented through conscious reflection. The own version of reality is constructed through it.
How do "sex-pleasure" become the autonomous sphere of life? How this distinction is carried out? Most stories present the combination "sex-love-marriage (steady relationships)" as the ideal composition of sexual relationships. Such combination serves as the main system of reference, presuming moral justification of  autonomous sphere of sex.
Further on I will consequently define the systems of reference, the classifications of sex meanings and its moral approval, the re-interpretation of gender as part of such moral approval. Three cases will be analyzed in details.
Let me also remark that lack of sexual satisfaction and sexual pleasure are mentioned in relationships during the whole life in several biographies of the same generation (27-48 years) and in majority of biographies of the eldest generation (57-63 years). These biographies are about marriages, love, and relationships. Sexual pleasure is a problematic phenomenon in a female biography.
 
 

Case 1. M., 46 years.


"In a life course I have more and more casual sexual encounters. "

M. was married, during the marriage and after she has parallel relationships, both steady and casual. At present she characterizes her orientation as striving for sexual pleasure in multiple relationship. Let us look how this script is constructed.
What does sex-pleasure mean in this case? Two variants of interpretation are given:
1. It is a component of "true love", "passion", or "madness love affair". This is a harmony and liberation in unique personal relationships
2. It is a technical, "simple, good, easy" sex; it is enough "to fancy each other" and to love each other’s body
Second variant is being separated from
1. "True love", love feelings, common interests, and intimacy. "Such a love is happened not more than 2-3 time in life"
2. Marriage as a "complicated system of financial, material, moral, kinship relationships, which also includes problems of  housing, aging, health"

These distinctions are made through categorization of different attitudes in different relationships with partners, through its comparison and opposition.
 The informant refers to sexual education in the parental family as to the important context. She connects sex problems in marriage with lack of sexual education. In her story she often mentions the lack of sexual education and her further behavior is described as the pattern to overcome this problem.
She reproduces her youth recollections in double sense. From one side, she took sex  as something "indecent",  "non-understandable" and  "dangerous". "I had fantastic views in my youth. When I was 19, after petting I was thinking about pregnancy". She explains this as the consequence of upbringing. "Nobody told me anything" and stresses the lack of knowledge and understanding.
From the other side she characterizes the atmosphere in the parental family as the atmosphere of love and intimacy. This was the basis for the idea that wife and husband are happy in sex. She expected happy sexual life in marriage and oriented herself towards having sex in marriage.
Main categories which are opposed in her further life course are the following "lack of knowledge" and "orientation toward having sex in a marriage’’. Biography is constructed as the process of improving of her own sexual experience and as the process of separation sex from marriage.

The second system of reference is her marriage in the age of 21. Marriage script represents traditional variant of sexuality (pronatal script). The following descriptions are given.
First sexual contact happened with husband. Husband is characterized as "honest good person" and "intelligent" to whom she has had respect without love and sexual attraction. She was not happy in sexual life with her husband. She explains this by her and his attitudes toward sex, by lack of experience and knowledge. Husband is characterized as non-experienced person "without culture of sexual communication", that means he treated sex as "satisfaction of needs like hunger, thirst". "I felt sex was indecent, he that it was harmful". Her marriage is described as lack of love and sexual satisfaction. A person, " whom she respects" is distinguished from a person, " whom she loves and/or sexually desires". Difference between sex-communication-love-marriage is formulated referring to marital experience.
Second opposition is based on gender relations in marriage. She described husband’s feeling as "typical male", which are oriented toward conquer of women, that is to make wife belong to him and to treat her as a property. These gender views are also the subject of overcoming throughout informant’s life. She refuses from the position of belonging and orients herself towards egalitarian choice, and even towards the training of "sexually inexperienced man". Opposition between "belonging to man" and "free choice" is formulated.

Next system of reference is the relationship with her fist lover (extramarital, after 5 years of marriage, for several years), to whom she had the "strong passion". She compares this relationship with marriage in three dimensions.
First, this relationship is evaluated as love, "passion"; they are based on common interests.
Secondly, there was strong sexual attraction, desire and strong jealousy.
Thirdly, there was no such personal relationship ("such respect") as with husband. These relations are described as a process of learning sex. "Due to him I understood what sex was".
Therefore love, passion and sex are separated from friendly personal relationships and marriage. These relationships are not only compared with previous one (marriage), but also with posterior one. Here she described herself as passive, learning, then – as active in relations and free in choice and training partners by herself.

The life after 33 (after divorce) is described as "strange" or "different" one with casual, permanent and temporary relationships. This period, characterized as sexually satisfactory, is opposed to previous one. Relationships with two steady lovers are interpreted using the previous categories. The development of sexual relations is shown in this period.
Relationships with first lover after divorce lasted 8 years. These were rare dates considered as a "holiday occasion". Context includes status of partner (married person, who was not going to divorce) and her own status (single mother living with son, without condition for dating). Relations developed from love to a habit in the contextual condition of limited choice. Later on casual relations began to occur, which is explained by growing son. This justification is connected with the concept of "moral motherhood".
Relationship with the next lover, which lasted 2,5 years, is described as "strong love and passion". This was "harmony", "perfection" in sexual relationships with "mutual sexual abilities and skills". "Complex of inferiority was overcome". Relation to the body was changed. At that time "I did not need any other partners". Narrative about this partner is very short; there is no explanation of ending of these relationships. This was the only relationship about which the informant did not feel like giving details. "I know what I did for him, but I don’t want to speak about it".
Relationship, which unites love and sexual satisfaction, is the basic system of reference. They are compared with previous and following ones. In other cases the lack of love is approved by the assertion of possibility of separation of sex from love.

The connection between different periods is also explicitly mentioned.  Casual relationships began when "I recovered from being sick after divorce" and then after despair in love affair. "I was physically sick, and one my friend, psychotherapist told that I should immediately have sexual contacts… And I did it".  This happened after 40.
Contemporary relationships are described referring to previously constructed system of categories.
First, they are separated from love (differ from relations with lovers, where love exists). "I used to be a very romantic person, I thought that love and sex were the same things".  Sympathy is enough for sexual contacts.
Secondly, they are separated from "complicated system of marriage" (differ from her own marriage and from "genetic" marriage).
Thirdly, they are not based on common interests, common views and intimacy (differ from her own marriage and relationships with lovers, which were based on common interests).
Fourthly, they presuppose experience, abilities, skills, high developed technique of sexual practices used in sexual contacts (differ from her marriage and similar to relationships with her last lover). Female sexual satisfaction derives from training and becomes "mechanical experience".
She trains men in the situation of the lack of such skills (differ from the situation in which she was taught). These men are evaluated as "helplessness in sexual life", their attitudes towards sex are "terrible" (similar to her husband and herself in youth).
Man as a teacher (first lover) turns into a partner in training (last lover) and then into a learner. This man "has no idea about his abilities", and "hesitates to speak about sex". He has "complexes and fears", "feels shy about his and her bodies", his "sensuality is not developed", he could not "have joy and pleasure from sex", and can not "give pleasure to a woman". These men are "shy and vulnerable".
What kind of woman can teach sex? Informant compares her abilities with her own early experience  and with other women. She has no feeling of property, no jealousy, she has feeling of superior in sex, she has a good knowledge of her own body, she expresses respect to wives and mistresses, she has no financial problems (working now in business), she has an experience, which younger women usually has not. She makes her own choice in sex contacts and she "teaches all of them". All these features distinct her from her early life.
Sexual relationships could lead to "strong feeling and love". "It is desirable to have love and sex. But this is not what happens every time".
Sexual relationships oriented toward autonomous sexual pleasure are connected with experience, knowledge (learning), status, and age. Own and partner’s attitudes depend on the parameterizes, which are formulated as the opposition to early attitudes, lack of experience and knowledge. The development of sexual relationship is described through this opposition by the learning process.

Doing gender.
Patterns of female behavior change in course of life story. Early period is characterized by the male activity (active man and passive woman) and by the lack of experience, next period is connected with own activity and developing abilities. From a learner she became a teacher. Relationships with men are based on the principle "she is a teacher" or partners are equal in their experience. These features distinct informant from other women (she tells about her superiority). She characterized herself as Other. She is the Other compare with her own youth, with parents, with young women, with women without experience, and with those who doesn’t develop their sexuality.
What references help her to construct "Otherness"? She implements those types of behavior, which she considers to be male. She argues that there is a difference in female and male attitudes toward sex. "Men realizes himself in sex, for women this is not necessary, for her it is enough to be fancied". "There is no necessity for women to have multiple partners, but men need it". She (even not explicitly) follows the patterns of behavior which is considered by her to be male. She became Other due to interiorization of male norms.
Informant distinguishes her from her own youth, and from another women, using some patterns of male behavior in order to justify sex - pleasure as autonomous sphere of life. Sexuality is explicitly described as cultural construction.
 

Case 2. S., 31 years


"Sex is a greatest pleasure given to a person by nature"

S. was married, during and after marriage has had parallel steady and casual relationships. She divorced and now has numerous sexual contacts. How is sexual script constructed in this case?
 What does sex-pleasure mean?
1. It opposes to sex which is "shame obligation in marriage" and which is "not important and secondary"
2. It is separated from love relationships.
3. It is separated from paid sex

These distinctions are made through comparison and opposition of different attitudes in different relationships with the reference to certain contexts.
S. describes relationships with husband, lovers, casual and steady partners. The following types of relations are mentioned: marriage, love, passion, paid sex, sex as joy, lesbian sex, group sex.
First important context to which informant addresses, is the sexual education in the parental family and youth sexual feelings and experiences. She represents her sexuality as existing "from the birth". "I knew everything throughout all my life, I was born with sexual feelings". She describes sexual plays, kisses, petting, necking, and oral sex in virginity. She opposes her "natural sexuality" to parental upbringing. According to parental attitudes she was going to lose virginity only with (future) husband in order to have "a normal family". She evaluates parental attitudes as following: "Sex is shame obligation in marriage". "Normal family" in her youth opinion presupposes, first, virginity, secondly, sexual experiences.
Thus opposition is formulated which serves as a pivot for the further interpretation of sexuality. Sexuality as an expression of nature (interpreted as existent from the birth) is opposed to cultural limitation of it. This interpretation then helps to separate sexuality from marriage.

The second reference system is the first experience of sexual intercourse. She had the partner with whom she was going to marry and the partner to whom she had strong sexual desire without intention to have couple relationship. Sexual desire is separated from marriage in the story once again. The sexual debut happened with the latter partner and then he became a steady partner. "I felt in love with terrible passion". Sexual relationships are characterized as given sexual pleasure.
In this story she continues her interpretation of sexuality: "I wasn’t taught by anybody. I know everything by myself. Probably a woman has a genetic sexual instinct. I don’t understand how it is possible to teach a woman to make love ".
The former bridegroom became her second partner. The problem in sexual debut was connected with his lack of sexual experience. Therefore debut happened with another person. "If I knew this in advance I could help my fiancé ".
She stresses the existence of her natural sexual ability and the lack of sexual experience of the partner. Probably his natural abilities are suppressed by upbringing, but she never talked about this.
When she compares first two partners (in response to the question of interviewer) two dimensions are single out. First one is the characteristic of personal relations. "It was interesting and lively with my fiancé." Second dimension is sexual one. "He (bridegroom) was more loving and delicate in sex, he felt me better, though he could have less sexual intercourse". It is important that "he paid much more attention not to himself but to me".
Personal relationship is being separated from sexual one. The following categories for partners are constructed: "a person with whom it is interesting" and "a person with whom sexual relationship are satisfactory".

Next system of reference is her marriage. Husband as well as her former fiancé was virgin, and this "was the tragedy of our life". "He was sexually inexperienced". A reader once again has no answer on the question: where male skills are coming from if they are supposed to be "given by nature"? She does not speak about this. Two assumptions could be made out of her system of categories. First, she differs from her partners by having sexual abilities "from the nature". This is her characteristic as well as general characteristic of all women. Second is that her interpretation of sexuality implicitly includes necessity of learning it (as this was done refer to her youth) though it is explicitly denied ("I don’t understand how it is possible to teach a woman to make love").
The relationships with the husband are described as getting worse in personal relations ("he suppressed me morally and physically") while getting better in sexual respect. "May be he became more experienced or our bodies got used to each other". Sexual satisfaction was the obstacle for the divorce, which nevertheless happened later (after 5 years of marriage).
Informant, using marriage as the system of reference, separates, first, personal relationships from sexual ones, and secondly, natural expression of sexuality from social experience. The second distinction is made through detachment of her own expression of sexuality from her partners ones.

" Stormy sexual life began after the divorce". She describes herself as "morally suppressed by her living with her husband" and "after divorce I was surprised by expressing of sexual interest to me".  Referent in this period is her female friend who had "stormy sexual life". The friend decided "to educate me in sexual life".  This period (of sexual re-socialization) is evaluated as a different one.
"Finally I should not deter my sexuality. All my life my sexual desire contradicts to my education. My upbringing led me to the conclusion that sexual desire is not normal. But then I understood that since sexuality exists I should not struggle with it. And I stopped this struggling. It is great that sexuality exists".
"Re-socialized" sexuality was expressed in relationships with steady and casual lovers, in paid sex, in lesbian sex, and in sex as "adventure".  The main sense of sex is "to give and to receive pleasure". "This pleasure is given and received on the bodily level and on the level on unconsciousness ".

What categories are used for description of sex in this period?
- paid sex – when "you do a job and think that this should be over shortly"
- sex as pleasure, which
first, could be the obedience of hunger
secondly, could lead to steady relationship and love
In the second case the partner should be intellectual and "he should be interesting for me". For the first case (sex as the obedience of hunger) "it is enough to have sympathy to the partner", then body and unconsciousness became decisive. Personal relationships and love became important in the second case.

The following logic is constructed. Sexuality is natural drive, which gives pleasure on the level of body and unconsciousness. In this case nature is a body. Culture (the way of upbringing) suppresses sexuality bounding it with marriage. In order to "receive and give a pleasure’’ it is enough to let "body speak".  There is no necessity to teach woman her sexuality. Nevertheless men and relationships suffer from the lack of experience. Learning process is necessary to get sexuality free. Love "should not be confused with sex". Love is tied with personal characteristic of the partner, which are opposed to natural and bodily ones.

Doing gender.
The separation of sex from love is described as "decision making". "I decide not to confuse sex and love, that is not to make a mistake, which is usually done by a woman. A man never confuse it". She decides to follow male patterns. Thus informant distinguish herself from "genetic" woman. She is the Other. Otherness helps her to justify sex-pleasure as autonomous sphere.  She is the Other compare with her youth, with her parents, with other women (who confuse sex and love), and with those, who suppress their sexuality (both women and men).
Therefore main distinction is made between those "who suppress their sexuality" and "who get it free". It was necessary for her to make decision to get sexuality free and to separate it from love ("as men do"). It is also necessary to be educated in this sense. "Natural expression of sexuality" became cultural construction.
She represents her contemporary sexual behavior as active decision and choice making process. This sex is "the art".

Let me make the conclusion from these two cases.
Interpretation of sex as pleasure includes the following opposition:
1. Such sex is opposed to upbringing and education, according to which sex is tied exclusively with marriage. Sex is separated from marriage.
2. Such sex is separated from love. Feeling which are necessary for having sex are different  from love. Love could emerge from such feelings and from sex, but for sex it is enough to fancy and to be fancied. It is important to like own and partner’s body in order to have sex. Much more characteristics are important ("common interests", "intimacy", "intelligence", etc.) in order to fall in love.

In both cases developing of sexuality is accounted. In the first case (M.) sexuality is explicitly tied with learning process, in the second case sexuality is implicitly learned to release "suppressed sexuality". Sexual relationships, oriented toward autonomous sexual pleasure, are connected with status, age, knowledge, and experience.

Doing gender to receive pleasure from sex includes separation from certain categories of women, that is the construction of Otherness. In the first case this construction is based on turn from a learner to a teacher position in sex. In the second case male categorization of sexual types of relationships (the separation of sex from love) is interiorized. Creation of Other woman takes place in both cases. Genetic women are those who have no experience and/or whose sexuality is repressed. At the same time they ascribed themselves "typical female characteristics", as intention to be liked, to love and to be loved. Woman as category became differentiated.

Is it obligatory to construct female identity as "Otherness" to justify sex-pleasure? Let’s look at one more case.
 

Case 3. T., 27 years.


 "Young man or woman is looking for own style, trying to understand what is more suitable."

 T. was married, during the first marriage had an experience of faithlessness, now she is married for the second time. In-between marriages she had different steady and casual sexual relations. How is this script constructed?
What does sex-pleasure mean for her?
1. This is sex in happy marriage
2. This is sex as "obedience of sexual hunger"

She described relationships with first and second husbands, with casual and steady partners. The following types of relations are single out - love, marriage, passion, and casual sexual contacts.
Main system of reference here is second happy marriage and relationship with the second husband (combination of love-marriage-sex as pleasure), with which all sexual experiences are compared.
Parental education represents the first reference system. Education is characterized in double sense. "My mother told me about (sexual experience) in negative sense… Woman should take care about herself". This means that she is responsible for her sexual satisfaction – man does not care about this. From the other side this (sexual satisfaction) depend on man "who will work on her". So in such system of categories women become responsible for finding a man, who will take care of her. The story is about this.

Next system of reference is the first experience of sexual intercourse. She lost virginity with first husband. She had no sexual desire and no sexual experience. Her husband is also depicted as not experienced person. The relationships in this marriage are described as rare and sexually unsatisfactory. "I don’t know what was the reason – either his (low) temperament or our inexperience". Interpretation of sexuality includes two dimensions: first, "natural" one (high temperament is opposed to low one), secondly, cultural or "educational" one (sexual experience is opposed to its’ lack).
Man is responsible for the quality of sexual relations and for her image of herself. First husband "created the complex of body inferiority". Body is important in sex, and its evaluation depends on men. Sexual relations depend on men’s temperament and experience of both partners.
She describes the experience of faithlessness during the last period of marriage, which she evaluates as "normal, I didn’t think I did something bad to anybody". This marriage was generally unsatisfied. She had intention to have only one partner for the whole life, but choice of partner was wrong and therefore sex was separated from couple relationship.

Main system of reference is her second marriage. This is the relationship of love and passion. It is also depicted in the category of belonging and male responsibility. "He gives me a lot, he gives me happiness and feeling of being loved". He is also responsible for her bodily image. "He has changed my attitude to my body, he has continuously reminded me that I am very beautiful woman". "He respects me, he admires me". "He always tries to satisfy me". Belonging also leads to negative attitude toward adultery (to compare with first marriage).
Category of sexual experience is applied to the depiction of these relations. She and he have a rich experience (in comparison with first marriage); this gives them the opportunity to "be attentive to sexual relations, to discuss them". Thus sexual experience and male responsibility in couple relationship serve as the basis for interpretation of sex as pleasure.
Comparison between two husbands includes such parameters as attitude to the body, ability to speak about sex, presence of sexual experience and sexual desire, possibility of adultery. Implicitly the qualities of personal relations are compared, when man is responsible for respect and for love. Sexual and personal dimensions are distinguished in the description of sex relationships.

Multiple partners are mentioned in between two marriages. The reason is double. First, "I was miserable and missed attention to me". Secondly, "I didn’t realize myself before (first) marriage". Thus script with multiple partners where sex is separated from love and marriage is recognized as permissible for youth period. The experience should be obtained in youth age. ""Young man or woman is looking for own style, trying to understand what is more suitable." This "search" is opposed to informant’s previous assumption "to have only one man for whole life". Sex as pleasure is placed in the certain age.
Separation of sex and love for her has another reason. She describes it as the "satisfaction of hunger" and as "sport". She opposed her own views to each other. In between marriages she considered sex as "if you feel hunger – you can have sex". Now she thinks that the only reason for sex – is love. Therefore she reevaluates her previous opinions. "This was necessity of love. I was looking for love".
She gives negative opinion to her behavior in between marriage. She condemns a script with multiple partners. "I would refuse from all sexual contacts with pleasure in order to belong to only one partner – my husband".  "I was crazy at that time". Then the question could be raised – how to obtain experience in the situation of belonging to one person? Two possibilities are opened – either to obtain it before (then multiple partners are permissible) or to make men responsible for getting experience and teaching his partner.
Thus sex as separate sex (from love and marriage) is justified under certain conditions. It is permissible for certain age and status, for those who have no experience, and for satisfaction of sexual hunger. Reference system for such script is favorable marriage (with love and sexual satisfaction). Sexual experience is necessary, but it should be obtained in youth. Feelings became the basis for sexual relations in elder age.

Doing gender.
This case shows that there is no necessity to construct "Otherness" if there is no discrepancy between "sex-love-marriage", if autonomous sex is limited within certain (age) period, if a man is responsible for sexual satisfaction, and if relations with him are described in the category of belonging. At the same time quality of sexual relations depends on experience of both partners. This experience should be obtained in young age.

Categories include "natural" characteristics (temperament) and experience. The main distinction is made between those "who has experience" and those "who has not".  It  is possible to separate sex from love  in order to obtain experience. Cultural construction of sexuality includes skills and abilities for which mainly man is responsible.
 

To sum up.


Sexual relationships, oriented towards autonomous sexual pleasure according to three cases (M., S., and T.), are connected with status, age, knowledge, and experience. At the same time their preferable type of sex is tied with love (usually including common interests - communication) and one partner. Preferable type is the combination of 2d-4th ideal scripts, opposed to the first one. First script – this is the script of first marriage and (non-) education in these cases  - represents denial of sex-pleasure.
Sex could be separated from love, but the conditions for this are different in their interpretations. Main condition is experience (its presence in the first case and absence in the third case).
All the cases represent sexuality as the process, which is learned during the life course through sexual experience. Parental education and relations with husbands and steady partners are the system of reference for construction of sexuality. Youth ideas about sexuality are reproduced according to contemporary concept of it. Categorization of different relationships creates different meanings of sex and bounds it with each other. Parental attitudes, features of partners and relationships are used as categories, in comparison and opposing to which, sexuality is constructed.
Difference could be find in the interpretation of sex as pleasure. It is connected with different stages of life. For first case (M.) experience come with age and give the possibility to realize sexuality in autonomous sphere. For the second one (S.) age experience is necessary to release "natural" sexuality. For the third case (T.) experience should be obtained in young age.
Those informants, who account sex as autonomous sphere and take personal responsibility for it, make reflexive work to create their Otherness in comparison with another women and themselves. Those, who consider autonomous sex permissible under aging condition, have no necessity to interpret herself as Other in comparison   with other women. She compares herself just with previous experience. I should mention that three cases are hardly enough for more generalizes conclusion.

Let me also return to the methodology of social constructivism and its’ limitations in the research of sexuality. According to my task, which is the analysis of the meaning of sex, the dichotomy between ‘realists’ and ‘constructivists’ does not exist. The order of practices is important as the elements of construction of different meaning of sexuality. It does not matter whether these practices are ‘real’ or not, they are significant for the informants in the creation of certain meaning of sex in their life and justification of it. Reflection on sexual behavior, the analysis of which is primary for my task, is definitely cultural construct. One could find learning process in the background even in the reference to "natural expression" of sexuality. Besides this the reconstruction of gender stereotypes is also the evidence of the cultural process of the creation of sexuality.
 

 Literature.


Bertaux D. and Kohli M. (1984) The Life Story Approach: a Continental View // Annual Review of Sociology. V.10, P. 215-237

Bland L and Mort F. (1997) Thinking Sex Historically  // new Sexual Agendas. Ed. by Segal L. Macmillan Press. P.17-31.

Brake M. (1982) Sexuality as Praxis - a Consideration of the Contribution of Sexual Theory to the Process of Sexual Being // Human Sexual Relations. A Reader in Human Sexuality. Ed. by Brake M. Penguin Books.

Gagnon J. (1990) The Explicit and Implicit Use of the Scripting Perspective // Sex Research. Annual Review of Sex Research. Ed. by Bancroft. V.1, P.1-43.

Gagnon J.H. and Simon W. (1973) Sexual Conduct. Aldine.

Giddens A. (1992) The Transformation of Intimacy. Sexuality, Love and Erotism in Modern Societies. Stanford: Stanford Univ.Press.

Horrok R. (1997) An Introduction to the Study of Sexuality. NY: St.Martin Press.

Laumann E.,  Gangon J., Michael R. and Michael S.  (1994). The Social Organization of Sexuality. Sexual Practices in the United States. Chicago and London: The Univ. of Chicago Press.

Kontula O. and Haavio-Mannila E. (1995). Sexual Pleasure. Enchancement of Sex Life in Finland, 1971-1992. Aldershot: Dartmouth.

Plummer K. (1982) Symbolic Interactionism and Sexual Conduct: an Emergent Perspective // Human Sexual Relation. Ed. by Brake M. Penguin Books, P. 223-244.

Seidman S. (1989) Constructing Sex as a Domain of Pleasure and Self-Expression: Sexual Ideology in the Sixties // Theory, Culture and Society. V. 6, P. 293-315.

Silverman D. (1997). Interpreting Qualitative Data. Methods for Analysing Talk, Test and Interaction. London: Sage Publications.

Simon W. (1996) Postmodern Sexualities. L, NY: Routledge.

Tiefer L. (1995) Sex is Not a Natural Act. Boulder: Westview Press.

Weeks J. (1997) Sexual Values Revisited  // New Sexual Agendas. Ed. by Segal L. Macmillan Press. P.43-59.

Weeks J. (1995) History, Desire and Identities // Conceiving Sexuality. Approaches to Sex Research in a Postmodern World. Ed. by Parker R. And Gagnon J. NY, L: Routledge, P.33-50.

Weeks J. (1985) Sexuality and Its Discontents. NY, L: Routledge.
 


Communication to the 4th European Conference of Sociology
 
 
 

COMMUNICATION TO THE 4TH EUROPEAN CONFERENCE OF SOCIOLOGY
 
 
 

AMSTERDAM 18 - 21 AUGUST 1999
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

SUBJECTIVE RELATIONSHIP TO PROFESSIONAL TRAJECTORY:

METHODOLOGY AND GENDER DIFFERENCES

 

 
 
 
 

by

ARMELLE TESTENOIRE
 

GRIS UNIVERSITE DE ROUEN

76821 Mont Saint Aignan Cedex

e-mail : Armelle Testenoire@ac-rouen.fr
 

draft version
 

This paper is based on data from the life stories of 25 couples, aged between 28 and 60, and coming from a variety of backgrounds from workers to employees and intermediary professions. In all cases, both partners had jobs and were questioned seperately, one after the other. Each person was asked to retrace his or her professional career from the time they started working. The accounts also touched on their private lives and the career path of their partners.
 

We qualify as life stories those interviews in which a person has " told " us about his or her experiences and, in the present case, those pertaining to their career path. The thematic sequence of events and the pace of the narrative is determined by the person telling the story. The circumstances of the interview can be seen as a public presentation of themselves which produces special effects. The peculiarity of this kind of story lies in the form of narrative and the fact that it is a reconstruction of events, as filtered through memory. All the stories told are thus a selection of the truth by which an individual in retrospect interprets his or her path. The criticism often made of this form of information gathering is that it overrates coherence (Bourdieu, 1986), by organising life according to guiding thread. From this viewpoint, the interview results in an artificial creation of meaning.
However, the stories collected are not all arranged in a coherent order. Some people see their career paths as having happened purely by chance, while others describe their trajectories as coherent projects.
But can we say that the way in which a person describes his or her path is pure subjective expression? We put forward the hypothesis that presenting one’s career path either as the product of fate or the result of considered planning, depends on the person’s practical situation. And here we will concentrate on gender differences. In particular, doesn’t the difference between the way men and women integrate professionally create a specific type of relationship with their career paths, which is revealed in their life stories? Comparing the accounts of Paul and Jeanne L.   will serve as a starting point for reflecting on how gender can influence the subjective relationship to professional trajectories (1).
 
 

There are different ways of reconstructing events, but these aren’t endless. The stories are structured around a certain number of decisive incidents which A. Strauss calls « critical moments » (Strauss, 1992). At these times, there is a shift in the course of events, a change in identity. Comparing the stories of the couples revealed a common chronology, a « hard core » (Pollak, 1986) which made up the framework of their story. We describe this « hard core » as the historical truth. Of course things are left out, but elements of the story added by the other partner limits the extent of this. However, despite similarities in the chronology of the two life stories, Paul and Jeanne L. interpret the events differently.

Fifty-year-old Paul L., reconstructs his professional career. In doing so, he tries to order events around a coherent project he says has guided his working life. This coherence which he tries to reconstruct retrospectively is seen clearly in the continuity he describes (albeit that this appears somewhat artificial to an outside observer) between his job as a turner making prototypes (qualified labourer) and his later work as a social worker. « The shaping I had to do on the lathe, there’s a kind of parallel between that and my last job as a social worker. We tried to mould people so that they could get jobs. It was also a sort of shaping of something ! »
Likewise, the fact that he was hired as a docker at Rouen harbour was, for him, linked to the volunteer work he did in his neighbourhood. « It was to build a bit on my position at C. A lot of the young people’s fathers were dockers. Being a docker was the panacea! I wanted to have a name, and not as the priest’s friend, I wanted to be recognised for somebody. »

During her interview, his wife, Jeanne L., presented another version of her husband’s career. According to her, Paul’s job changes were the result of chance happenings. Shortly after being layed off, Paul L met up with an old friend who told him about jobs going in the harbour. He applied and was taken on. « He took whatever he could find. It was unthinkable for him to be out of work. » The same thing happened when he was fired a second time. According to Jeanne, her husband’s about turn to become a social worker was also due to circumstances : meeting up with a friend who had become the director of an institution for handicapped people, just at a time when he was having difficulties professionally.
Paul L. agrees with the sequence of events which resulted in him being hired in both these cases, but interprets them in a completely different fashion. Even if he agrees that a series of coincidences has played a role in his career, he refuses to attribute this to chance.
The diversification of weak ties (Granovetter, 1973) increases the probability that things can happen « by chance » and are therefore coincidental opportunities. H Becker has noted however, that we refuse to accept important events in our life as being the result of fate. We chose instead to give them a rational explication (Becker, 1994). Paul L’s professional career is one of the things he considers as important. Therefore he recreates his career path in restrospect making each event part of a coherent project. It’s the final point, represented by his job as a social worker, that appears to be the goal to which all the different stages of his life have been directed. « We were made to be social workers ! » he concludes, even if by saying this he inverts causality : the present determines the past. Paul L’s viewpoint functions on two levels. The first is made up of the factual events which he has put in chronological order, and which were confirmed by his wife. But around these facts there’s the interpretation of his career path, which forms the second level of the story. This fits into a cumulative and linear temporality, the events follow on from each other in a logical order.
 

While he presents himself as an instinctive person and a « go-getter » during his story he feels the need to rationalise, to give some kind of meaning to his professional life.
For his wife, Jeanne, it’s their private life and in particular their life as a couple, which is presented as being a coherent project. She has the feeling that her life with Paul has been directed at a definite goal (symbolised by the construction of the couple), while she sees her career as the result of a series of coincidences. « No, career-wise it was just different opportunities, I never thought about following a specific path. But on the level of my personal life, my family, my husband, it was more like that. It was thought out. »

Jeanne L’s father, who was an unskilled worker, took that each of his seven children, including his daughters, had a profession. After qualifying as a cutter, Jeanne worked in the clothing industry for 18 years before she followed her husband and became a social worker. It becomes clear that her career path has far surpassed the expectations she had when she was young. At the most, she’d hoped to reach a post as head of the workroom. Unlike her husband, she sees the different stages of her working life as been discontinuous and the result of chance. However, objectively, her change to the profession of social worker is not the result of a chance meeting but due to the persuasive force of her husband. The only directing force she sees in her life is that of her marriage. On this level she too inverts causality : her current married state has oriented (a posteriori of course) the past. With regards to her couple, she feels that she has been in control of her life and has directed it with an object in mind, a feeling she does not have in relation to her career.

The difference between the two about which part of their lives, professional or marital, they feel they have controlled, can be explained by the sexual division of work within the couple. The feeling each of them expresses in his or her own domain, that they have always followed a goal, translates this repartition of marital objectives. Each partner has his or her own territory in which he or she assumes the leadership and the feeling of control.
 

More generally speaking, the different interpretation of their paths expresses gender relationships with professional life, one the one hand, and marital life on the other. It is women who most frequently express feelings of discontinuity and contingency with regards to their professional careers. And this gender difference is even more pronounced when the person has a successful career. A.Strauss (Strauss, 1992) notes that feelings of discontinuity reflect an absence of plans. People feel their life is carried along by events which are characterised by their lack of predictability. It’s what those interviewed mean when they speak about chance. The changes are not seen as complying with a personal project, but as an ability to adapt to circumstances : « I knew how to grab my chance ! » In contrast to a project, « chance » signifies the indeterminate, in other words that which goes against expectations stemming from first socialization. H. Becker questions the way of thinking about « chance ». A whole range of different opportunities exist at each stage of the life (and these are also not defined) which appear like a tree diagram. Progress in life is neither subject to pure determinism nor is it the result of free choice. Taking as an example a play by Max Frisch  (2) , H. Becker shows that each stage is the result of a confrontation between an individual’s actions and that of others with whom he interacts. Becker called this process « intercontingency » (Becker, l994).
In 1984,  Ferrand observed  that (Ferrand, 1984) most teenage girls have plans for their family life, which may or may not be accompanied by career prospectives, while boys above all have professional plans. Contrary to girls, when teenage boys acknowledge the possiblity of a family life, they remain vague about their future options. « In any case, the question of a career is always more important than paternity. Professional career comes up in the evidence (…) The division between the natural reproductive function of women and the productive function of men is therefore very clearly reproduced in the descriptions people give of their future and, as we saw, features in the way in which we speak about our life projects. » (Devereux, 1984 :118).
However, we did notice a difference between the older and younger women questioned. For younger women, we find definite professional projects emerging parallel to their desire for children. These plans co-exist simultaneously in both spheres of their lives. This results in adjustments to both their family and professional programmes, and limit their aspirations with regards to their careers. They consequently think it’s impossible to move up quickly in the hierarchy, to be upwardly mobile in their jobs. This is why they put a successful career down to chance. « I would never have believed it possible ! ». Work and a strong professional motivation, play a second role in their stories. They put it down to an ability to grab a lucky break.
Gender changes the relationship with a career path. Men and women put them down to different temporalities. Men’s programmes (even if this is developed after the fact) are in contrast to the contingency character of women’s careers, a phenomena that is even more evident when a woman’s careers has developed faster than that of her husband. It is almost as if, by referring to chance, women apologize for having a career !
 
 

The way of presenting one’s life, either as a continual or discontinual process must be seen as the object of the analysis in the sense that it constitutes a key to understanding the path taken by a person. The way of interpreting one’s life is not pure subjective expression, it highlights the different relationships with the professional, and in particular with a career. Putting events in one’s professional career down to « chance » or describing them as discontinuous, expresses a difference with first socialization expectations, which has been observed in women.
 
 
 
 

BIBLIOGRAPHY


BEGKER H.S., 1994, « Foi por acazo », Conceptualizing coïncidence. The sociological quaterly volume 35, number 2, p. 1183- 1194

BOURDIEU P., 1986, L'illusion biographique. Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales n°62/63.

DEVREUX A-M., 1984, La parentalité dans le travail : rôles de sexe et rapports sociaux in Le sexe du travail. PUG, Grenoble.

FERRAND M., 1984, Paternité et vie professionnelle in Le sexe du travail. PUG, Grenoble.

GRANOVETTER M.S., 1973, The strength of  weak ties. American Journal of Sociology, volume 78.

POLLAK M. 1986; La gestion de l'indicible. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales n°62/63.

STRAUSS A., 1992, Miroirs  et masques. Métailié, Paris

Notes: 1.  Paul and Jeanne L. Are both in their 50s. Their are been married for 35 years. Both started working in the early 60s as qualified workers (Paul was a turner and Jeanne a cutter). At 40, after holding down various different jobs (teacher, docker, salesman..), Paul became a social worker at an institute for handicapped people. He encouraged Jeanne to follow him., which she did. For 10 years, Paul L. and his wife were also volunteers in their spare time, working with young people in a poor area of the city.
 2. M.Frisch : Biography, ein Spiel, Gallimard, Paris. The « secretary » suggests Mr Kürmann takes stock of his life and changes what he wants to. « Just like when we go back step by step through the major moves in a game of chess we have just lost, in the hope of finding out if, when and how we could have played otherwise. » (author’s remark) In this way, each stage is the result of the confrontation between an individual’s action ant the reaction of his or her partner.
 



ElenaZdravomyslova
 

CENTER FOR INDEPENDENT SOCIAL RESEARCH
 
 

Zdravomyslova Elena,
Chikadze Elena
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Heavy Drinking in the Context of Male Biographical Experience: Scripts and Meanings of Heavy Drinking for Men

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Paper given a the 4th European Conference of ESA, Amsterdam, August, 1999
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

ST.PETERSBURG
1999
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

     One Russian - a drunkard;
Two Russians - a fight
Three Russian - a vodka waiting line.
Soviet period anecdote

INTRODUCTION

This paper contributes to the research on male drinking in contemporary Russia, which starts to be fashionable (Lisitsyn 1990, Pokhlebkin 1991, Zaigraev 1992, Nemtsov 1995, White 1996, Simpura and Levin 1997). Heavy drinking and excessive alcohol consumption is widely reported to be typical for the Russian everyday life. In the professional and public discussion mostly negative consequences of the alcohol abuse are identified, those leading to destructive social behavior, economic losses, moral degradation, and worsening of the health of a nation.
Our approach is different. We focus our research on the rationale and functional justification of mass excessive alcohol usage which is often reported as one of the indicative feature of the Russian culture. We start with the simple question: if alcohol consumption is totally negative then why people use it - are they insane or irrational? What are the meanings that are implied in the heavy drinking habits of Russian men? While heavy drinking (and alcoholism) as a bio-medical-social phenomenon is a serious and tragic problem in Russian polity, heavy drinking as a performative / narrative phenomenon could have diverse and conflicting meanings. It can provide ‘endless possibilities for elaboration of ironic resistance to the mundane, practical disciplines of family, community, and state’ (Ries 1997: 69), it can be deconstructed as practice, celebrating male identity or performed as an aspect of crisis of masculinity.
Using biographical method,  we reconstruct contexts that has been conducive to different patterns of male drinking behavior from the life-stories of Russian drunkards. The methodology of narrative analysis proves to be efficient in reconstruction of meanings and contexts of the contemporary Russian drinking patterns.
 The empirical study aimed at the reconstruction of (1) contexts and (2) meanings of heavy drinking from the life-stories of Russian men. This study contributing to the fast growing literature on Russian drinking gives supplementary material for understanding of its cultural and social rootedness in Russian discursive masculinity.
Research methodology. In the study we use methodology of the topical narrative analysis of life-stories. In the course of the study thirty (30) biographical focused interviews with heavy drinking men were carried out . The sample was formed by the snow-ball technique. Informants were chosen from those who agreed to discuss their personal  problems of heavy drinking with the interviewer. However the legend of the biographical interview was more elaborate. The researchers reported that the study focus on the patterns of masculine conduct and masculine biography in the Soviet and post-Soviet society. This legend gave narrators opportunities to report  and justify behaviour that was not publicly approved.
Theoretical frameworks. Two major frameworks were used in the research: (1) theory of the Russian gender system and crisis of masculinity as one of its dimensions; (2)script theory used for the organization of narrative analysis
Russian gender and crisis of masculinity. Gender is the category embracing important dimension of social ststification .To understand Russian everyday practices, including drinking,  we have to consider main principles of Russian gender system, that is the stratificational positions of men versus women versus state. In public discourse crisis of masculinity is presented as important feature of the late Soviet gender system. Crisis of masculinity is a catch phrase that embraces unprivileged deprived position of Russian men in relation to several frames of reference: (1) compared with women; (2) compared with ideal man (Western Man, Ideal-Soviet Man, Traditional Russian Man).
The discussion on crisis of masculinity started in Russia in the end of the 1960s. It was actually a part of the critique of the Soviet state and its gender policy. The thesis of disappearance of true responsible manhood essential for democracy  was a decent way to criticize the Soviet status quo. Soviet gender construction did not give a chance to the Western type of hegemonic masculinity in spite of the fact that it was perceived as the ideal by many. Let’s consider some differences in the imagery of the Soviet and modern Western models of hegemonic masculinity.
If we apply gender optics to the concept of citizenship developed by T.H. Marshall we will see that his theory reflects human rights as men’s rights (Marshall 1950). Marshall distinguishes three groups of citizenship rights that were achieved in the course of modern history via the mechanism of class struggle: civic rights, political rights and social rights. Civic or liberal rights embrace the rights of property, and rights of self autonomy guaranteed by law. Political rights include democratic freedoms of associations, voting and free press. Social rights guarantee decent life quality of a citizen. Russian Soviet society hardly provided any of these citizenship rights. Nationalization of property made all the demands for ownership incompatible with Socialist law and ideology, though the difference between personal and private property was introduced in the political economy of socialism. Rights of ownership is the corner stone of the liberalism and they were not provided by Soviet type of citizenship. This undermined the main precondition of the patriarchy and relevant public and private arrangements. Submissive position of woman in Western democracies were founded on social position of man as a major breadwinner, main agent of family ownership and inheritance. Civic rights and duties imposed on manhood by liberal democracy were absent in Soviet society. Thus social position of Soviet man cannot be equated to that of bourgeois man. Soviet man did not own property and did not have the right to manage it. This made him weak and provided constraints to his masculinity achievement. However the idea of hegemonic bourgeois masculinity existed in mass consciousness and provided the frame of reference which showed that Russian man was not a successful one, he never benefited from the true masculinity and he have always striven to achieve it and made his best to compensate for its lack. Soviet system was blamed for disempowerment of man as Agent, Owner, Actor.
In the public discourse the crisis of masculinity was illustrated by psychological, medical and cultural indicators. Among medical and psychological indicators male alcoholism and heavy drinking were considered of the utmost importance. We also consider heavy drinking as one of the indicators of the crisis of masculinity imagery as well as one of the practices attributive to the true masculinity.
Another framework which was used in the study is a script theory. For the analysis of narratives presented in the life-stories the script theory of J. Gagnon was used. (Gagnon 1990, Temkina 1998). Stories on Russian drinking include systems of meanings and contexts. Each of this systemic view in drinking can be described as a script according to which the narrative is organized. Script approach becomes popular from the 70-es. It  was developed in the research of social construction  of women’s sexual biographies. J. Gagnon distinguishes three levels of scripting which researchers can identify within a narrative -  cultural, interrelational  and personal scripts. Cultural scripts are norms and instructions that structure individual experiences. Interrelational scripts are trajectories of relationships as they are narrated. Personal scripts are conceived as trajectories of one’s  (sexual) life-course that orient themselves within interrelational and cultural scripts. Using the script frame for the analysis of life story of the drunkards we focus on the following issues: (1) What topics and contexts are presented as meaningful for the formation of the heavy drinking patterns; (2) How narrators interpret their drinking life in interviews, how they reflect upon it and what justifications they bring forward; (3) What meanings of drinking and patterns of drinking they articulate in their life-stories. The purpose of the script analysis as a narrative analysis is to frame heavy drinking as Russian masculine practice. Individual scripts (as presented by narrators) are looked upon as frames for cultural scripts. The scripts can be found in one life-story in different stages of one’s life cycle or in different narratives.
The research does not pretend to be comprehensive. However it helps to reconstruct the piece of mosaic made available by our field work.
The report will proceed in the following way: Presentation of a drinking script, its justification and main practices, based on the  modal biography of the type (childhood memories and encounters with drinking ; school, adolescence drinking experiences and their contexts; professional life; private life including family, friendships, sexuality. Interviews covered also specific topics of everyday drinking: its schedule, drinking preferences, hangover, drinking company and its rituals, bad and good consequences of drinking; drinking and authorities; self-reflection on drinking.

Script 1. BOHEMIAN. Oleg
Born in 1951 (there are similar scripts of respondents born in 1945 and 1960); unfinished higher education (often University degree), single, three times divorced, two children. Lives in a separate flat. Professional writer, that is earns money with literary work and jouralism.
Parental family and childhood memories. Oleg was born in well-to-do family. Both parents were educated as engineers. He was the eldest and only boy in the family of three children. The family occupied a separate flat, had a dacha in the one of the resort areas close to SPb.
  Oleg observed that male drinking had been habitual in their family as his father started heavy drinking during the WWII. ‘My father died from cirrhosis of lever. From my father’s lineage everybody has been heavy drinking, from my mother line  - there is none’.. Thus he claims for certain continuity of his drinking with the patterns of everyday-life of the elder generation.
Political context of upbringing. Oleg claims that political situation of the mid 1960s-1970s was a major context for his development. Though his school years basically fell on the period of stagnation he was happy to get into the educational institutions that followed the patterns of Khrushchev’s liberation. As a child Oleg  started to write poetry and as a teenager entered the Youth literature club in 1965.
‘.... There still remained a small isle of freedom, a small opening.’.
Oleg counter-poses the atmosphere of this milieu with the one in his school: ‘This was a true contrast of truth and lie, boredom and excitement, knowledge and hypocrisy.... In this place I met the people whom I love until now- these were the most interesting people of my life’.
In this milieu male youth friendship was one of the main attractions of the gifted teenagers. ‘Interesting people’ of the Club became the reference group not for Oleg alone but for many teenagers. From their practices Oleg modeled his life. Already in this early age teenagers were introduced to drinking by their senior comrades. He claimed that drinking was part of the male friendship ritual – it had the meaning of the affirmation of relationship of true male friendship.
Drinking debut. In his life-story Oleg gave three versions of his drinking debut. One of them is a single drinking which he puts into the context of his attraction to reading and poetry. Talant and drinking are see as complimentary features of an artistic personality. Another two versions are presented as celebrations of male poetical community, the first with his friend,  the second - with the elder poet- the authority for the youth.
First time Oleg got drunk in the 8th form. He tells that it was tradition of drinking described in Russian literature that seduced him.
‘And as always literature should be blamed for this... I went to buy cigarettes for my grandpa and saw large, misted bottles of vermouth in the store. At that time I read Pasternak and in one poem there was a line about drinking vermouth... the word influenced me. The word in Pasternak and the word in the store cellar. And thus when I collected enough money and my parents left for some dacha place, at night I started to taste vermouth...’
The comments on the influence of literature on the drinking habits of intelligentsia are numerous in the life-stories that we had collected. A female narrator makes a remark: ‘It is awful what literature does to us. Before reading Mandelshtam I drank only portwine’.
Another story connects his drinking debut with the male youth friendship. In the age of 15 he and his younger friend K. took in two bottles of dry wine in the Palace of Pioneers: one they drank before and the other - after the classes in poetry. Oleg remarks that these bottles were ‘celebration of friendship’. ’We became friends because were felt each other, we felt that we both can talk rhymes, and our bottle was a It was a light wine...’
It was tradition in the male company of young poets and writers to drink celebrating their community.
...Once the older member of the club who was a real authority to them approached two guys and  said... 'Where do you drink here? We answered - up there in the toilet. So we went to the toilet. The guy who was 8 years older, a poet from elder generation, very respectful one - takes out a bottle and says: I am NN". This is how we got acquainted. He said: ‘Let keep together. Read your poems’. So in this toilet we finished two bottles of red wine, became tipsy and went to his place for the first time’
This was an initiation of life-long friendship. In this passage drinking story is the story of the friendship and community when drinking is a rite of inclusion.
 University years.  Oleg entered the philological department of the State University in 1968. His fathers’ protection helped him to pass entering exams. Being known to have contacts with the department authorities he was elected the head of the Komsomol organization of the class. This status was used for the drinking supply of the milieu. When the lacked money for drinkis he collected Komsomol membership fees (2 kopecks per a person monthly) and later refunded them. Oleg did not finish the University. Couple of times after being fired he managed to get reinstated with his relative’s help,  but at the end he quitted learning anyway. In the late 1980s he entered the Literary Institute in Moscow but then resigned because of the new professional opportunities opened during the glasnost reforms.
Oleg’s’ story gives important information on the locations or places of drinking that frame this practice.  People of different age and different milieu develop different but overlapping drinking topographies that are reflected in different scripts. Thus, for example, teenagers’ drinking, being a forbidden practice, finds its place in the male toilet of the youth club. In general, an obvious lack of public places available for (teenager’s) drinking was typical for Soviet drinking stories. Young men drink in public toilets, at the stairs, in the yards - in those public places  which are observable but difficult to control. These places provided specific drinking habitus. Youngsters usually has drunk cheap low quality drinks, they did not appreciate the taste of alcohol but considered only its effects, they drained at one draught often directly from the bottles not using glasses; snacks were not often available under these conditions...
Young people and people of bohemia adapted a certain network of public places (cafes, coffee-shops, restaurants) for their drinking. Thus, for example, the cafe ‘Akademichka’ opened at 8 a.m. and one could buy beer there very early in the morning. Another place of attraction was cafe ‘Saigon’, which is given special attention in  Oleg’s story. He claims that people came to Saigon to avoid loneliness, ‘just to talk’, ‘to be in tusovka‘, to communicate. A drinking impecunious person might be lucky to meet someone with a bottle and it won’t cost him much to share.
In Oleg’s story habitual drinking is ascribed the meaning of friendly communication. Giving the picture of this communication Oleg observes: ‘No week passes without 2-3 men coming with their bottle without calling (to my place). They like to drink in my company because it is fun. They would like to stay for several days. You know this permanent drinking - to start today, to drink after hangover tomorrow, and to get out of zapoi the day after tomorrow...’.
Jobs. In the age of 21 Oleg married and soon had a son. However his life-style hardly changed. Like other people from bohemia, Oleg never worked in the usual Soviet way...Before and after he started earning money by literary work, Oleg worked as a watchman, assistant, technician, etc.
Legally the adult person who was not employed officially could be persecuted for sponging. Militia several times attempted to imprison Oleg, but he escaped, because he ‘was always lucky with people’. Friends and friend’s friends helped him to find sinecures. He found jobs mainly through the network of friends of his father.
The first job Oleg got in the age of 19, soon after his father’s death. He was employed as concrete technician of the 4th rank at the brewery.
Another job was found by his father’s friend  - he became a watchman in the railway depot. ‘The most interesting thing was that he put me into this job when there was no such a depot... once in three days I came to this place and this was my job until I finished to pay alimony for Tolik (his elder son). It saved me because I  was called out, they (militia) came at the night, took me there and gave the prescription... if in several days I wouldn’t find a job I would be arrested...’
Conflicts with authorities. Drunkards often had conflicts with militia. There were about 15 sobriety stations in the city where drunkards were taken from the public places. They were kept there overnight and had to pay fines for being drunk in the public places. The relevant information was mailed to the administration of the enterprise where they worked. Administration had to react on the paper with sanctions - either by official moral reprimand, or by cut in wages and benefits. Thus drunkards tried to avoid sobriety stations. For this reason Oleg preferred to drink in elite clubs, because ‘if you drink in the House of Writers or in the other elitist professional club you mostly are not taken to the sobriety station’.
Oleg describes several sobriety station occasions. The first time it occurred at his first job, when he was 19 years old. The rite of initiation for a novice at ‘Krasnaja Bavaria’ brewery presumed drinking of a wineglass of Devil, which was a dense sweet drink of 98  degrees of alcohol which was added in drops in lemonades and good brands of beer. ‘This thing makes one fell down, Oleg tells, and with drinking beer all the day there, four wineglasses were enough for me’. It turned out that when the shift ended, the militsia car (‘garbage cleaner’) came up to the brewery and took drunken workers to a sobriety station. This is exactly what happened to Oleg at the very first day of his work. Another sobriety station occasion was when he swam naked and drunk in the Finish gulf with his friends, which was considered the violation of the rules of public behaviour.
Oleg observes, ‘At the sobriety station you could meet different people, intelligent people who did not want to sleep. I told them stories, recited poetry, sometimes played balda, once I met there the master of sports in chess. We drew grid and played chess there.  It was always interesting, uncommon, curious. Anyway it was an adventure’.
In Oleg’s story drinking is presented as an element and condition for adventure. Drinking person could find him/herself in the unexpected situation which could be exciting and fascinating.
Oleg reports also on several suicidal attempts provoked by heavy drinking and connected with love affairs and general feeling of unhappiness. Today he retells them as funny clown episodes.
Generally speaking, Oleg sees drinking as a positive inspiring habit which, if excessive, could bring about bad consequences. He recollects his attempts to withdraw from heavy drinking. He connects these attempts with his will to creative work and attempts to be a decent family man.
‘... I became bored of drinking, I became tired of searching for this ugly bottle, I learned how to earn for this bottle... This clown thing is O.K., but you know it seemed that I could end my days in a ditch. And there is something that doesn’t allow me to do this... I want something more, something serious, and before I did not care’...
Oleg contextualizes his life story. The initial drinking of his teenage years  was coloured by the atmosphere of political liberation and friendly communication at the Youth Literary Club. Heavy drinking of his adulthood, contaminated with zapoi practices and cheap wine drinking, takes place on the gloomy background of stagnation. He describes stagnation (end of 1970s - 1980s) as time without dates. It was difficult for him to recollect the year and the date of the event he retold. He tried to remember the date using his calendar of  his love affairs. He confessed, ‘For me it was absolutely the same was it Andropov time or Chernenko or Brezhnev’.
Oleg’s story shows that political atmosphere of stagnation was conducive to the Soviet bohemian drinking patterns. The Bohemian formulates the thesis of the united cultural opposition to the Soviet way of life.
‘... We were bound together because the terrifying monster, which was called the Soviet power, made to unite many totally different people. Some of them even did not realize that they hated all this...’  With the reforms of perestroika, he argues, all this commonality was broken.
Bohemian life-style was marginal to the larger Soviet society. Oleg describes the collective feeling of euphoria, indicative for the general atmosphere of the Bohemian communication.
‘These were people who did not belong to the Soviet institutions of career making. This euphoria bound people together. Everything became mixed... And these sentiments made me to make one mistake after another. I married several times though I did not need this, vodka was overwhelming there. It only seemed that everything was normal....  I am very grateful to this time... but the problem was that I could not get out of this environment because it was the totality of existence. Poetry, drinking, funny hooliganisms, which were discussed by all the city..’.
In this story we see that bohemian life-style presumed heavy drinking as one of the essential practices producing collective mood, alienating its adherents from the Soviet patterns.
Euphoria of the Soviet stagnation had another peculiar feature  - it was basically regulated by non-financial means. In the stories of Soviet drinking financial issues are hardly discussed. If specially questioned on the topic of money for drinking purposes, our respondents reported that money came ‘from the air’ or ‘they did not need any money’ or something alike. This financial unconsciousness could be explained by several reasons. One of them were low prices of the drinks in general and of cheap drinks in particular. The second reason was that social reality was functioning on the basis of social networks and barter exchange more that on money. The third reason could be collective character of drinking which presumed pooling of people’s resources which made drinking seem cheaper than it was.
Teenagers used for drinking pocket money as well as supplies of their parent’s bars. Adults often could drink free of charge at the working place or in sharing contributions. We can reconstruct  the usual ways to get money for group drinking from the narratives.
‘For example, you can sit at the telephone and start calling friends to find the one who had money. You could meet a friend and sell empty bottles to purchase the full ones.’
There were other opportunities for a young poet to earn money: when he lived in the dormitory of the Literary Institute in Moscow (1987-88) he wrote love poetry for the  girlfriends of non-Russian speaking postgraduates and was paid for it... He reports:
‘And after that I lived as a king. I even went everywhere by taxi in Moscow, though usually I came there with only 3 rubles. Everybody  was surprised’.
Oleg’s story showed that Bohemian drinking was heavily politically conditioned. Perestroika times destroyed the Soviet Bohemian milieu. Many former Bohemians managed to quit drinking and became oriented on professionalization, and ‘got a lot of things to do’, as Oleg claims. In 1991 Oleg was finally elected a member of the Union of Writers, he published two collections of poems and became permanently engaged in professional earnings as a journalist, a script-writer, etc.
However excessive drinking never stopped to be his habitual practice. It only became more regulated by his working schedule and health problems.
Resume. We can easily see that Oleg poeticizes his drinking experience giving it the meaning of the necessary accompaniment of the literary process..
Soviet Bohemian drunkards are characterized by the only partial integration in the Soviet social  structures. One can call them marginal. Though Oleg tried the Soviet educational and Komsomol careers, he could not follow the approved mobility lifts. Oleg constantly violated rules of the game in the official public space. Drinking made him brave to misbehave in official public places. He comes drunk to the university exams, he came drunk to the practical class (he gave lessons to the school children). He violated the rules of the private/public division in the demonstrative way and this forced him out of the official public sphere. He became marginalized as many others. His practices were the practices of the bohemian underclass.
In this case heavy drinking is part of the culture of the bohemian milieu. It’s meanings are diverse, including (1) celebration of liberation, (2) opposition to the Soviet regime, (3) celebration of male solidarity, (4) friendship. He develops the idea of Soviet drinking imbedded in the temporality of political context. The pratices of drinking are conditioned by lack of drinking equipment, cheap bad quality drinks,  lack of comfortable public places for drinking, public sanctions for drunkedness and continuity of drinking patterns across generations and milieuax.

Script 2. ETERNAL TEENAGER (Peter Pan- Kolobok). Serezha
Born in 1966, secondary education, lives with his mother and a girl friend, no kids, now works as an apprentice of designer in the casting workshop.
Parental family and childhood memories. Serezha was born into the family of Soviet technical intelligentsia. Both his parents were engineers. He is the elder brother in the family of 3 children. In his family authoritarian patterns of rigid upbringing were used. Serezha recollected that he was often beaten by his father.
He spent childhood in the communal flat in the new district in the outwards of Leningrad - Veselyi Poselok. The location of his neigbohood is famous for mischievous behaviour of youths.
Teenager’s culture in the area of Veseslyi poselok. This drinking script is based on the teenager’s culture which is brightly presented in the narrative. His teenage company were hooligans, as Serezha considered it more interesting than the company of ‘good’ schoolboys. Teenager's hooliganism is a backbone of his story.
Serezha says that in the last grades he visited school just once a week coming two hours after classes started. They were so called street children. Teachers let these teenagers stay at home on the occasions when inspection came to control the school just to avoid inevitable conflicts.
Serezha gives a picturesque description of the location - Veselyi poselok - where he lived until he finished the school .
‘The life there is like in jungles, there is housing territory ( zhilmassiv),/ marshes, woods, lakes and ducks. One could do everything there’.
In this milieu self-destructive behavioural patterns were widely and early spread. School children breathed gasoline, in the senior classes they drank vodka.
Drinking debut. Drinking was habitual among teenagers in this neighbourhood. They started mostly with cheap dry wine. As there were no cultural attractions, bars or small cafes in this area. youths drank on the stairs, in the large territories between the houses, or just on the benches in the yards. By the age of 13 the drinking habits as part of the street boy’s culture were already fixed.
To celebrate the graduation from the secondary school Serezha and couple of his friends bought 6 bottles of cheap dry red wine. One of the friends was 3 years older. It was a typical case of the explorative youth drinking, initiation to the world of masculinity through the older male.
Teenager's fights. Teenagers’ masculine culture of the Veselyi Poselok was brutal and mischievous. In this milieu intellect did not count, it even disgraced oneself, claimed Serezha. ‘It was better to know nothing but to ride the motorcycle recklessly or to be a loud lout, or to throw  stones further than others. There could be many examples. One could get respect only as a good fighter’. In this culture interpersonal violence was a pattern of communication, according to which the strongest was the leader.
In the last school grade Serezha often did not spend nights out of home. His parents first tried to convert him, beating him and scolding, but soon realised that it was useless.
After 10 years of comprehensive school, Serezha entered a technical college (PTU), soon left it and never continued studies. He stayed jobless for a certain time, having a lot of leisure time which he did not know how to spend.
‘It is difficult to say what I was doing at that time. I just hanged around. We hanged around in a dense way. At that time we already drunk good. It was portwine. I had adult friends.’
Serezha’s friends were from the criminalized neighborhood. By that time brothers of his school mates returned from prison and became group leaders. They all were engaged in habitual excessive drinking, pouring out wine from the tanks at the closest railroad. This was illegal and if they would be caught they would be imprisoned. Describing these orgies, Serezha recollects, that they drank for weeks until the wine ended up, after that they went for another portion to the railroad tank from which they stole another 60 litters. Days and nights were mixed. All these orgies took place at the apartment of a friend. ‘When you awoke you saw a scoop in the pail, so you get it, drink and sleep again’. In a month all Serezha’s drinking friends were imprisoned. Fortunately Serezha became alienated from this milieu as his parents moved to another part of the city. Still the memories of the teenager culture of Veselyi poselok are very deep and instructive for his self-understanding.
  Milieu. Serezha argues, ‘I realized a lot of things important for life - there are other people, there is another circle of interests, ... the circle where people live only by drinking... I lived in this world and got to know how it happens. I slept in their dormitory, in one place and in the other. And though this milieu twists one in, in general I felt that I was not for long in this story. Probably all this pushed me out, I just separated with my friends... It is not that personality degrades there, personality just gets adapted to it, there is no way  out. It is a certain definite (social) position’.
Here the respondent develops the whole theory of social distinction based on the idea of milieu. He understands the milieu - or the circle as he calls it - as based on the peer group united by the common patterns of behavior and common interests, heavy drinking combined with mischievous, violent and illegal behaviour being a core activity of the neighborhood.
Every life situation Serezha reported was contaminated with drinking story. His experience in the hospital where he got because of the an eye trauma which he had got in the street fight (1979) was also connected with drinking in the company of other male patients. They preferred cheap portwine (bormotukha, as they called it).
Jobs and Working class drinking.. The working experience of a young man looked more like leisure and drinking was part of his working pattern. This was typical for the low paid and low qualified jobs which he occupied (the assistant of turner, junior research fellow in the Industrial Institute, working at home craftsman, watchman in the cChurch, designer assistant at the private casting workshop). His jobs did not demand high qualification and belonged to the low-paid segments of labour.
Serezha’s story includes also a script of the working class drinking on example of his plant supervisor, V.I. His supervisor had the drinking problem, though there were periods when he did not drink at all... V.I.  suffered from a head trauma caused by the knife wound... and periodically had awful headaches. He had to totally restrain himself from drinking on medical reasons, but the only possibility to weaken his headaches was to drink 150 grams of vodka. After taking in, he felt fine for some three hours. In three hours he badly needed another drink to calm down his headache. When drunk, V.I. slept in the workshop and Serezha hid him with rags.  In several days his wife came after him, took him home and fixed him in bed, giving him medcine and in a week he felt better and then did not drink for 3-4 months. Serezha claims that V.I. was a first class specialist and a very good person.
Military service. Serezha, belonging to the working class, went through typical male experience of the military service (1984-1986). In the Army during the days off he was also caught drunk several times and did not come back to his detachment in proper time. However, he was not punished for his misbehavior. His duty was to buy drinks for the elder soldiers.
Serezha’s experience in the army, at jobs shows lack of responsibilities, inefficiency of social control mechanisms, lack of discipline  - this is why we call the script ‘an Eternal Teenager’ or Kolobok – who managed to escape many committements but in every place encountered drinking patterns and traditions.He could be engaged in drinking everywhere. It was cheap, it was habitual, it ws part of daily schedule and not only celebration practice and was not sanctioned enough in his case and it was not contadictory to the virtues of a human being as he sees them.
Serezha describes one of his jobs, when after the military service he became employed as a junior researcher in a technical institute (1986-1991). He was often sent to the local business tours... He came to the office which he had to control at 11 a.m. and by  noon he took the train back. He checked the technical equipment there and then drank with two older men who worked there.
He also worked as a watchman in the Vladimirskaya Church (1993-1995). He was fired several times for drinking on the working place and employed again. The job of a watchman was not demanding. Eternal Teenagers, bohemians  and pensioners worked there. It was the structure of many f Soviet jobs that made it possible to combine drinking with work. Of course not all the jobs, but low quality, abundant jobs were like this. They were conducive for drinking on the working place.
This was his life before 1989. Serezha claims to be apolitical, marginal to the Soviet way of life, expresses low level of integration into the Soviet structures. He reports his heavy drinking as a part of the escapist mischievous practices. Depressive condition has been also part of his drinking habits. Trying to express his disappointment and pessimism which he believed caused self-destructive behaviour, Serezha tells:
‘When depressive condition starts - you feel that there is no way out... and you do not know what to do that would help you immediately. What could be the alternative. It is an endless dead-end as my friend calls it... I feel bad because everybody thinks that everything is stupid, untalented and the idiotism chase me. I behave like an idiot, everybody behaves like idiot, everybody looks so ugly....  drinking and drugs seem to be the outcomes of such a feeling’.
After the military service Serezha entered the milieu of the late Soviet underground - hippies, people of the System, as they called themselves (end of the 1980ies). In a way, their life style is similar to the one described in the Bohemian script, though there are differences in the meaning of drinking based on the attitudes to creative work. Bohemians were firmly oriented to creative work - poetry, art, underground philosophy. They had their ‘sense of life’, though were critical to the regime. Mostly people of the System lacked this creativity.
In this younger generation, alcohol was often combined with drugs. Serezha himself claimed that he could not take drugs. He smoked grass in the company but he could easily reject it... Anyway these mostly male communities also included drinking romantics:
‘When we met, like five of us, it appeared that one of us had money. So we went to the grocery, bought chicken legs, then went to some abandoned place in the backyard, made up a fire, got vodka, sat on the stones like archaic people and made grill on a stick’.
He described his political views of the Perestroika period as anti-Soviet: ‘Certainly, mostly people were against. Against the Soviet Union, against Gorbachev against everything. They were in favor of democracy, in favor of drugs, alcohol, in favor of everything. People were for freedom. When Soviet tanks entered Lithuania we decided that if they would approach Latvia, we all would go there to defend Latvia from the Russian tanks. Everybody was getting ready for this departure but then got drunk and nobody went there...’
The territory of Serezha’s drinking at that time included the whole net of small cafes. His drinking route started at the small drinking place near the Church where they sell konjak made a broad circle in the neighbourhood, dropping in in every drinking place.

Resume. The Kolobok script was formed by conscious and unconscious escaping from responsibilities. He left everything - his house, his girlfriend, the Army, school, parents...  His drinking was part of these multiple and continuous leaving or escapist strategies. Habitual Drinking made it easier for him to reject responsibilities of adult life in Soviet and post-Soviet society.
Serezha says, ‘There is a tendency. I can come to one place and return from quite a different place. I can go to the bakery to buy bread and return home in a week. The longest escape that I had was when I went for cigarettes and returned in three months’. This life integrated heavy drinking as its part.

Script 3 (Generic) STUDENT. Grisha
Born in 1973 in the well-off family of intelligentsia. Grisha’s mother is a gynecologist, his stepfather is a chemical engineer. Graduated from the University (1996); works as a teacher of history in a secondary school. Lives with his parents and elder step-brother (born in 1971) in the centre of the city in the separate flat.
Parental family and childhood memories. ‘I’ve never known what is material deficiency’, says Grisha. According to his estimation, his parental family was normal, though his father left the family pretty early (when Grisha was 4 years old, and since then he never met him). He tells that his father was an actor and ‘used to drink a lot’. His mother remarried when he was 10 y.o. and his stepfather became a model male figure for Grisha.
Grisha attended kindergarten in the age of  3 to 6 years old. When seven y.o. he entered a typical working class school in the closest neighborhood. He gives the picture of this school and location conducive to the practices of youth mischief.
It was the neiborhood  where ‘in the 3d form children start smoking, in the fourth you realize what beer is and you understand that you like to drink it and in the fifth class they smell the ‘glue Moment’’2 .
Smoking debut. First time Grisha and his friend tried a cigarette when he was 6, just before his first school year. Boys collected cigarette stubs that seemed to be pretty clean and smoked them. This was explorative smoking. Grisha justified it by addressing the mythological image of bard Vladimir Vysotski, in whose song there was a famous phrase about his own war-time childhood - ‘I used to smoke stubs’. Boys wanted to have the same experience as Vysotski had... By the fifth class he was already addict to smoking.

Peer group and teenagers’ relations.
Grisha’s account of his childhood is not joyful. He describes the same kind of milieu that we find in the Eternal Teenager script. ‘Our class was a very unpleasant one’, he claims. ‘It was a rabble and I did not like it’. Crucial patterns of interaction were street fights. Physical force was he main stratification principle.

Two schools of the region were fighting with each other. Usually these fights occurred near metro stations. At the metro station some boy would meet several guys in the boots who would ask him where he was from. Is he was from the wrong school he will be beaten. Girls were never involved in these behavioural patterns (fights, smoking, drinking). This was exclusive pattern of the street boys’ culture.
This working class milieu and city segregation were crucial for Grisha’s early socialization. Grisha is convinced that his neighborhood, school and class were of classical working class origin. The destiny of hid classmates is only logical - half of them is in prison now.

Grisha contrasted himself to the street boys patterns. He argues,
‘It is not that I felt contempt to my  schoolmates because they were hoodlums and I was so smart, handsome and good - it was different’. He says that his alienation from his school mates originated from the difference in their interests and tastes. ‘Simply I had very different interests. ..I really did not like their demonstrative rudeness - the way how  they held cigarettes in the teeth, (they way they addressed people: ‘give me 20 kopecks’ - it was really cheap.. I did not like it and I never behaved in this way myself’.
He claims that his safety was guaranteed by the fact that he was ‘more like  a home boy. I mostly stayed at home and read.’ ....
Anyway, being a boy Grisha spent a lot of time in the streets and in the yards. This yard teenager culture was crucial for the socialization of urban men - male culture of the working regions, with its parody on the brutal masculinity was a prevailing model.

From this and other interviews it is easy to reconstruct this youth  masculine way of life .  Stories from this culture are given by almost all our respondents. They include  heavy drinking, street fights and  hooliganism, breaking into the other’s property place - mostly state enterprises, construction sites etc. Search for action, heroic deed, adventure and camaraderie is also a part of this culture.

Family balanced Grisha’s  street life. Attractiveness of the family and home can seen as a guarantee for the sobriety of a boy. But this is only the beginning of the story.
His stepfather became the ideal of masculinity for him. In the story Grisha focuses on the things that they did together, for example, playing tennis, which was considered ‘a real style’. Grisha says, however that his main interest was reading.

Grishas’s favourites were Russian writers Vladimir Vysotski and Sergei Dovlatov from whom he copied his imagery of true masculinity. The characters of their books were bold, intellectual drinking men full of artistic humour and feelings of camaraderie.

When he was 15, Grisha’s family moved to the centre of St.Petersburg. The change of the dwelling place totally changed Grisha’s life and his worldview. If before he had been a lonely home boy counter-posing himself to the brutal masculine environment, in the new neighborhood he at last ‘...realized what is friendship, what is it when the class is really great, when we all are together, and it is joyful and everybody is smart around’.

Grisha claims that the topography of the teenager’s culture is different in the center and in the new regions of the town. The symbol of the center in his view is a thorough yard which frames the practices of boys’adventures. On the contrary, in the new suburbs the bushes and the waste lands were determinants of the environment.
However in the center the teenagers’ brutal street life showed to be quite similar to that in the distanced neighborhoods:
‘We were beaten in the new school by the former graduates - the gopniks... because we were newcomers. This was quite a pattern. If you were a new one in the environment, you should be shown your place... It was serious...Two times beaten on my head. It was offensive.’

Seeking for the revenge in this fight Grisha started to train wrestling. Sports in his story is the part of the male culture which functions as the resource of self-defence and revenge. Grisha tells,  ‘I had only one idea - to go and beat them on their heads in revenge. But later when they came to our farewell school party ...I realized that I just do not want to do it. May be it is OK that they had beaten me at that time?’

Student Life. After school in the age of 18, Grisha entered the State St.Petersburg University. This marked the beginning of his drinking experiences.

Political context and attitude (end of 1980s - beginning of the 1990s).  In Grisha’s student melieu  ideology didn’t play major part, it was fashionable to be apolitical.
‘... Old history was useless, the new one was not yet formed’. If in the 1987 - 89 it was  fashionable for young men to march in street rallies and demonstrations, now there was obvious lack of political involvement, even no political talks. Such an apolitical attitude makes Grisha’s script very different from the Eternal Teenager or from the Bohemian of the 1970s.
Grisha says: ‘ We did not understand what is it (politics)… And … we did not want to participate in it. … we perceived the state as.. some inperceivable machinery, and it was problematic to imagine what should we do in this (political sphere)’.

Grisha says that University was the golden age for him... He started to write poetry, play guitar and his musical tastes radically changed. ‘Before I listened to the music in the style of ‘Modern Talking’ and now I learnt what was Akvarium: ’They brought me to ‘Saigon’’

In the topography of the student drinking. The set of the city cafes was of particular importance to maintain student milieu. Again we see in his drinking stories Cafe ‘Saigon’ as a setting for the youth culture of the 1980s. This place was crucial for several subcultures and several generations of the late Soviet society. Describing this place Grisha says:
‘...We stayed there and chattered and that is it what we did there.... We drank portwine. And some man with the beard told us such cute things about Lead Zeppelin and so forth - he was quite  tipsy... he was music-crazy...’

Very soon Grisha became absorbed by Saigonean communication patterns which were richly supplied by the group portwine drinking. Older generation of Saigon milieu - people of Soviet cultural dissent of the 1970s became the reference group of Grisha. They were very similar to the characters of Vysotskii and Dovlatov, his favourite authors, who had also once belonged to this type of milieu.

Grisha continues: ‘I met ...creative bohemia, those who wrote verses... Of course, it was ugly there as I understand now, but at that time it was great. He plays a guitar, his own songs..’.

This culture presumed the practices of intellectual talk on philosophy, creative work,  etc. accompanied and inspired by heavy drinking of cheap low quality Moldavian portwine. Grisha felt close to the bohemians of 1970s. We thought that Oleg (script 1) could be his tutor - his intellectual father.

At that time Grisha combined training in the Eastern fighting with readings in Dzen-Buddist philosophy. Everything was new and inspiring in the Student Life affiliated to bohemians.  This was a very serious break. His first love. His first encounter with anasha. All this came in one package.

First drug. One summer day when Grisha stayed alone at home, his elder stepbrother  suggested him to try anasha. First Grisha hesitated but later he felt that he should try ‘what everybody tried’.

Describing his drinking habits often accompanied not only by friendly intellectual discussion but with different forms of mischief, fighting and conflicts with militia, Grisha distinguishes the patterns of drinking behaviour, depending on the quality of drinks one takes in.

‘There is differentiation in drinks and typology of drinking - under vodka I behave awfully. I am getting foolish, obstinate, I am transforming into a different person, whom I don’t know.  And after that they start to blame me... Why? I don’t know this person, I see him first time in my life’. He says that now when he wants to change his life style he will drink only dry red wine.
 

Male friendship is the key value of Grisha’s student youth. He emphasizes the fact that their company was exclusively male. Occasionally girls were allowed, if  ‘their intellect was relevant’, but mostly love affirs did not overlap with male friendship, being ‘a parallel story’. The subcultural practices went hand in hand with university studies, good grades, exams where Grisha got good marks...  Student brotherhood - this is the word that Grisha uses to describe relations in the small group of male students, to which he belonged. He developed the theory of student’s solidarity as the one grounded on the common values and practices.
‘What bound us together? ... Of course we tried to escape craziness. Naturally. Together. This is what seems to unite us. Because those situations which normal people perceived as normal looked absolutely abnormal to us.... For us it was normal to go to the university roof and to drink beer or port there... For us it was normal to go to the seminar a little bit tipsy.... This was normal. For us it was normal to sit in the library for two full days before exams - normal...’.

The pivot of this solidarity was ‘intellectual communication on the background of the portwine’.

Justification and motivation of drinking. Grisha’s drinking has numerous meanings, most of them are positively assessed in his story.

First, he does not realize that his excessive drinking is truly self-destructive. Though all the witnesses who recommended Grisha as a respondent, claim that his alcoholism is a true threat for his personality and his environment, his drinking stories are light, easy and presented as a happy-end adventures of the growing up man. The Student’s story is full of accounts of the positive inspiring consequences of drugs and drinking. He says: ‘Drugs helped me a lot at some point. At least they helped me to get rid of them - because if it were not for smoking I could come to some bad final point.... And now it was a very normal situation. I smoked, tried different drugs and stopped it. Now I take them very seldom’.

In Grisha’s story drinking has the meaning of a resourse of intellectual and communicative liberalization and creative work. He says, ‘Drinking is necessary because  a person can be a silent, but give him a glass and we start a dialogue. And everything is OK’. For him drugs and alcohol are the means of intensification of sensitivity and creativity...  ‘Alcohol talk includes such expressions which lack in the normal talk’ - he argues.

Grisha also appreciates the opportunity of becoming different which is conditioned by heavy drinking. ‘... It is interesting to be different. Because everything becomes different - different thoughts, movements, view, perspective... The reality changes itself. In a certain sense this is the same as with drugs...’

He believes that drinking helps to escape from the mundane realities of the Russian everyday life which he hates. This argument gives drinking the meaning of a protest and escapism. ‘How one can love such people when 5 milliard  people are doing hell knows what. Can anybody blame me of being an alcoholic under such conditions?. Are they crazy?  ...I also participate in this absurd, though in a different way. I try to play craziness because when I am drunk I don’t feel ashamed...... So what? People are right to say that heavy drinking is deliberate madness’.

Another justification is simple physical relaxation that alcohol brings about. ‘There is a great advantage of alcohol which no other drug gives, I believe: Ii is a muscle relaxation, simple relaxation. When your muscles are tights your perspective changes’.
The major frame of Grisha’s drinking theory is his concept of masculinity. Below follows one of his fantasies:

‘We start with the fact that a man is a hunter, who has been always engaged in active search. It was a man who killed animals, women did not do it, did they?  A man brought them, women were not warriors, men  were. This was normal. Now, unfortunately, we don’t have such things as simple duels - and we start to get destroyed as men. Why? Because before it was different. You go along the street and somebody says something wrong and we can discuss this issue on swords. And now. What should one do? To fight? There’s an article in the Criminal Code prohibiting street fights. Well, it is just normal that we have a growth of the alcohol crimes in this society - there is no way to sublime. Remember, many young men of vanguard in 1914 went to the WWI - why? It was an act of self-assertion. There is no war now... Either you beat or you will be beaten.  But both things you should perceive as normal... I can put someone on his proper place and someone can out me on my place. This allows me to feel my own place... and I perceive myself as a human being. Finally, as a Man.’

Crisis of primordial masculinity Grisha sees as a major condition for mass obsessive drinking of Russian men.

Inspite of his conviction in the positive aspects of alcohol consumption Grisha feels that heavy drinking could be destructive and should be controlled. He recollects several bad consequences of his drinking: ‘I started to forget things, I came late, sometimes I was late for the appointments, sometimes I never came where I should come... And finally I started to do music really serious so I did not have time for this’. There were drunk fights with knives, conflicts with police, they got to the sobriety station.
 Excessive drinking in this passage is seen as an obstacle for professionalisation, upward mobility and efficient communication.

At last Grisha came to the conclusion that he had to start new life and there are new conditions which he has to write himself in. These are the rules of the game, typical for the grown up person.
‘Before, he claims, I had not taken life seriously. I did not think how to earn money. We just liked to fly above...’

.... Escape from drinking is seen as the outcome of the crucial changes in his life. He become adult. Work, responsibilities typical for the grown up person make him reassess his drinking. However he want only to control drinking but not to quit it.
‘... I don’t want to reject drinking in principle. Another issue is that I don’ t want to be obsessed by it...’, he says.

What prevents Grisha from heavy drinking. Grisha names several obstacles. One of them is his girl-friend. He says: I don’t want to present myself as a person from the herd, a freak,  I don’t want her to feel me as something unpleasant...’ Another preventive measure is provided by his love for music : ‘If I will drink heavily I won’t be able to play music - I love my instrument, I want to play’. Grisha says, ‘There are many things that stop me. I cannot give up or forget my life, I cannot exchange it for drinking...
To summarize, Grisha argues that emotional relations, professionalism in general is worth sobriety.

However, to our knowledge, though he stopped to be a student Grisha fails to stop his habitual cyclical pratices of heavy drinking

Resume

The major frame of Grisha’s drinking script is his concept of masculinity and life-cycle. This is why in his story he mainly focuses on the positive aspects of drinking. His main concern is to make this habitual male practice a regulated one.
Grisha connects drinking with student life, creative work and male friendship. For him drinking is an inevitable part of male friendship and one of the habits that is accompanying other activities - intellectual talk, playing music, etc. Excessive drinking he sees as lack of regulation of normal drinking promoted by the social conditions which he calls ‘crazy’. We call Grisha’s script ‘Student’, because he often argues that adult (not student life) will stop his drinking practices, typical for a young, single, intellectual and creative - oriented youn man.
 

SCRIPT 4. MANUAL WORKER. Sasha

Born in 1970 in Leningrad. Education- technical high school. Machine operator, unemployed from March 1997. Divorced, 5 year old son, lives in cohabitation with a woman who has a daughter from the previous marriage.

Parental family and childhood memories. Sasha is aquainted with heavy drinking since his early childhood, because his parents were drinking regularly. His father was a driver, now an invalid, his mother - was a cleaner, she died in 1992. When parents were on heavy drinking cycle he stayed at his babushka’s place, escaping from them.
Later we’ll  see the continuity in the drinking patterns of Sasha and his parents.

School years. He entered the ordinary school in the neighborhood. His school memories are not vivid and bright. In school he first was an excellent pupil, later it became worse, but I never was really bad.
Sasha was known as a modest unambitious yound man. Though boy’s fighting were typical for his milieu, he did not like to fight. He was very patient and quite lazy, it was difficult to drive him out of his wits. It happened only couple of times.
After the 8th grade he entered the technical high school. His class mates organized regular trips to the countryside, but usually he did not take part in them. He describes himself as a calm, quiet person. He had one friend who was as quiet as he was. Life went on smoothly, no events, no interests...
Drinking debut. First drinking he had at the last year of the technical college together with his friend. They were in a bad mood, because they failed to pass an exam: they drunk cheap dry wine from the bottle at the stairs of some passage. After that Sasha went to negotiate with his teacher about the re-examination on the subject which he had not passed. It went normal. The teacher realizing that he was tipsy, told him to go home and to come by next time.
The first time Sasha felt really scared by the effects of  drinking was when he mixed read wine and beer. The effect of mixed drinks in the uncomfortable setting - in the street or in the toilet, or just in the staires where people get drunk and urinate was a common report of the teenagers’ drinking for those young men who lived with their parents.
Heavy drinking - large portions per one intake - became a communicative pattern between him and his friend. Every time they met, they gathered money and bought cheap drinks... Sometimes they mixed it with beer to get more drunk.

Jobs. By profession Sasha was a technologist but worked as a machine operator. He did not understand a thing in the electronic equipment and worked on the older machines. His job was of low quality.  Last years Sasha worked at the cigarette factory characterized by bad working conditions, dust, etc. He was fired in March 1998 for stealing cigarettes from the factory. Fortunately he managed to escape legal persecution.
At the working place people used to drink as well. It was considered normal. The Soviet types of collectivism presumed celebrations of important life events which were always accompanied by drinking. At the male workshops of the industrial plants this drinks were not wine but vodka or pure spirit which could be easily got for free from the repair shop of the enterprise. Sasha reported  that at the factory where he worked everybody was constantly tipsy and this of course surprised him at the beginning. Later during the Andropov’s regime (1982-1984) the supervisors started to discipline the drinkers but it was not very efficient.
Drunk men were often taken to the sobriety stations. Sasha’s story  includes several episodes connected with sobriety stations.

A story about the sobriety station:  ‘I was there only once. And, of course, I remember it very well. It happened at the plant just after we received an advance in wages. It was probably the first time when I got really heavily drunk. Being drunk already, we decided to go for smoking into our workshop. And a watchman asked for the militia.... After that we drunk heavily at a front door near metro. I showed to be the healthiest from three of us. One of the guys could not stand and fell down. I tried to raise him, at that very moment the militia car arrived - khmeleuborochnaya - and took them’. As a result one of them was beaten by the militsia men and lost all his money. Sasha believes that money was taken by militioners.

Female patronage. Sasha’s’ story is a vivid example of the dominating of women in the everyday life of passive non-intiative men. His life was organized by women: first babushka took care of him, later his mother arranged his first marriage. His mother decided that he should study in the high technical school because it was closer to their place. Later his mother in law arranged his job at the cigarette factory: ‘It was her idea - I did not have any acquaintances there…. I never made solutions, I just clawed. When my mother was alive she made solutions for everybody’. Sasha explains his submissiveness by lack of motivation. ‘I did not know what I would like to do in my life’, he says.
Family relations. Being ‘a shy and modest young man’, Sasha started to see girls only in the last year of his high school studies. His mother arranged his marrage to the daughter of her work-mate. The young couple never lived separately from the parental families- they shuttled from his parents to hers. Sasha divorced after six years of marriage, because ‘it just happenned’. He had got a mistress and one day decided to stay with her. His life was eventless and uninitiative. Decisions were made by elder women - his mother, babushka, later- his mother in law and partners. Everything was settled for him and almost everything satisfied him.
First time after marriage when he came from work a bit earlier than his wife which happened quite often, he  went to meet her and they had a walk, went to the theatre or to some concert. They had guests at home. Now, he reports, with new cohabitation, it is different. Life is boring, they mostly stay at home.
They had a stereotype of the Sunday family dinner at his mother’s in law place. Each time when the young couple visited Marja Ivanovna (his mother in law) on weekend she cooked a chicken and bought a bottle of vodka - this was her friendly ritual of hospitality. This was the beginning of his heavy drinking according to his estimation.
At the same time from his early age Sasha had quite a critical attitude towards drinking, perceiving it as a  destructive pattern of his parental family. He also reports that when his leisure was diverse and he spent more time out of home, heavy drinking was not his habitual leisure.
Sasha reports that in the first marriage he gave all his salary to his wife and left only small pocket money for himself. They made purchases together, the wife was trying to stimulate him for diverse activities. He admits lack of personal autonomy and male domination in his first marriage: ‘Generally speaking I did not have anything of my own in this apartment where we lived together. My mother in law lived with us. She is O.K. but I live not in my own place so I don’t interfere in anything’.
Somehow domination of women did not satisfy him - he wanted to escape this and was looking for the new situation when he will be the head of the family. In his new partnership his cohabitant is even less initiative that he. She is a typical passive submissive character. She is very seldom out of home. Sasha keeps money and makes all the purchases himself.  His wife does not work now. Most of the time she spends in the small apartment of theirs with her mum. Sasha reports that he would prefer her to be more communicative - to go to see girl friends, just to go out. He retells their talk. She says: ‘Sasha, why are you silent?’ Sasha: - What can I say? There’s nothing to talk about’.
He is unemployed and according to his estimation: ‘… nothing happens, I have nothing to say’. He claims that when he worked there were lively events, something interesting happened that he could discuss at home.... ‘And now we just constantly at home. Sometimes we go for a walk - we walk in silence. I say: Why are you silent’ She answers: What should I say?. This is why I want her to work - It is good to talk to people’.
In spite of the attitude of eventlessness that Sasha reports, we can observe that his life is full of urgent problems. Both he and his wife are unemployed. However, neither he nor she looks for job. Their unemployment benefit is extremely low. The only  person who works in their family is his mother in law.
Justification and motivation of drinking in Sasha’s’ story is not sophisticated.  He drinks for relaxation, as he says. He drinks to avoid unbearable boredom of his being. He says, ‘All my adventures take place when I am drunk. Mostly when nobody is around I drink and go to bed. But my drinking friends they always search for adventures’.
Resume. Sasha as a representative of manual working class people encountered with drinking as with habitual practice everywhere- at work, at leisure time, in holidays and in weekdays, in public and in private. They drink for celebraton and relaxation, in grief and in happiness. They reproduce drinking together with their social position as part of the life-style .They usually prefer to drink cheap fortified wines, vodka, beer and drink to get drunk. Sometimes the drinks are mixed to make them more efficient. We have the similar stories of the working class drinking in many narratives - ‘Bohemian’ and ‘Eternal Teenager’.
Reflecting about himself Sasha confesses - ‘I have very low activity. I don’t want to interfere, I don’t want to be bothered. I want everything to be quiet, and calm’.
Drinking as a substitute for other leisure activities and as a substitute for initiative behaviour are characteristic meanings for this script.
 

SCRIPT 5. KOMANDOR - Polar investigator. Vlad.

Born in 1955 ; 3 times divorced, married, has a daughter of 8 y.o. PhD, a senior research fellow at the Institute of Russian Academy of Sciences. Secondary job -  watchman at the parking station, profession- polar investigator.

Parental family and the image of the father. The story of  Vlad is a story of true man, a Komandor. It also can be interpreted as the story of a son. It means that the pivot of Vlad’s narrative is the image of  his father as a masculinity model. Vlad’s father held an important position in the Ministry of Arctic and Antarctic. Vlad constantly refers to the facial  similarity with his father and continuities in their life practices. Vlad was father-orientated in his school achievements, in the choice of profession .
They were well-off family. His mother worked as accountant. They were three chikden in the family. Until 13 y.o.the family lived in Pevek (Magadan) which was caused by his father’s job appointment. This means that the family life was centered around the father’s career.
Childhood memories. The important memories of Vlad’s childhood  are public baths on the ice-breaker, talk with the captain on the future profession at the age of 6 (‘I will be like my father’) and his father’s present given for his 12th birthday - the hunting gun.  His father introduced Vlad to the true male leisure activities that became his habitual practices - hunting, fishing and hiking.

To conclude in the words of informer:
‘My father taught me everything: how to live in the forest having just a rucksack, how to find some tent or abode a cottage in the forest, just everything’... It was his father’s idea that Vlad would become a polar explorer.

Youth.  Vlad became financially independent quite early when he entered the High Marine college in Leningrad and moved to the college barracks in the age of 17 (years of studies: 1972-1977). He graduated from the same department that his father had finished and became the ocean engineer. Vlad is highly satisfied with his education because it was ‘a good school of true masculinity’. ‘This High school is a very good system for a true man, - he argues, - because expeditions... started during the school years. These expeditions were also the issue of certain cohesion: I still have a friend - we became friends in the first year of schooling. For 25 years he is my best friend since 1972’. Vlad’s concept of true masculinity includes also early independence from the parental family.

We see from this extract that Vlad believes true masculinity to be grounded on male friendship and solidarity that were trained in the High Marine College expeditions.

Vlad elaborates more about the concept of male friendship. He believes that  friendship is a relationship which invokes certain rights and duties of closedness: ‘... When you feel bad, you can address only this person... And when you feel really good, you want  him to come... It is (a relationship) when a person won’t betray another one’.

Another habitual practices of true masculinity that were learnt by Vlad in the Military college were sports and student raids to kolkhos. He says that in these raids he developed various skills, necessary for his future work in the Arctic – he learnt to cook, to be a brigade-leader and a commissar of the working unit.

Being a sailor in the training sea raids in the college Vlad traveled abroad which was seen as a privilege for certain professions and certain levels of well-being.

Being an articulated leader Vlad was also active in his Komsomol unit.
He graduated from the Marine college with the red diploma (with distinction). This was his first step in the Soviet career.

Job - Professional career. After graduation he got the appointment to the Institute of Arctic and Antarctic. In the narrative Vlad presents himself as an extremely career oriented person. After the Marine college he continued post-graduate studies. Soon  he entered the CPSU, taking  this step as a necessary one in his strategy of Soviet career. He realized that CPSU membership was a Soviet lift of social mobility.
His career of the Arctic explorer was smoothly developing. This profession is considered to be a romantic male one in which no women are engaged. His work was scheduled in a very specific way- different from the majority of Soviet jobs.
It presumed long-term men-only expeditions to the North - winterings. Winterings were hardly compatible with the traditional view on family life as explorers were separated from their families for long terms. According to Vlad’s estimation, wintering caused his first divorce.
This is how Vlad describes the criteria of recruitment for a wintering. ‘...It can be called the principle of the light end of the log... If two men approach the log and your team-mate always take the lighter side, I’ll never choose him for a wintering… Each person should carry a burden according to his strength, not chosing the easiest way. This is my life principle and I try to follow it. I can say without false modesty - I was very often selected for winter expeditions. I spent winterings quite easily, I even did  not want to leave’.

Vlad’s narrative is full of professional pride. It is justified by his understanding of a wintering as a test for true masculinity and true male friendship. He claims that he successfully passed 5-6- winter terms in the period from 1978 to 1991.
The job schedule of the wintering was very rigid. He calls it ‘sweat labor system’.  Men on wintering got specific salary benefits. In wintering shifts one could earn twice as much as normally earned employees of the same qualification. The general schedule was the following: 6 months’ wintering giving place to 6 months’ vocation when explorers had rest and prepared themselves for the next wintering in the Arctic region.
In the wintering drinking was not habitual. Vlad explains this by the hard schedule and intensive work: ‘Men did not drink there, because all the time they had to be on guard. You are surrounded by ice which can break any moment and the issue of survival is very important there. When ice breaks, you should fight for survival as an ancient man - (it’s necessary) to remove tents and houses and store, to repair things, etc.’
 Another reason for wintering temperance was intensive working schedule. ‘...One had to do all kinds of work everyday. There is no service there. One should know how to cook, how to store ice, how to make dishes, etc. After you make your measurement for 4 hours there are other things to do, e.g. to unload the food, brought by the plane. This is how is rolls.’

The sobriety weekdays were followed by the holiday moderate drinking. Vlad reports that they had station holidays each ten days. On this day all the holidays were celebrated altogether and this day is fixed to a day of bath.

The consequence of such a character of work (content, conditions and scheduling) is the rigid border between the time of work in the Arctic where they followed one set of rules and the time on the mainland where the rules of conduct were different. Even more - the true masculine work (industrious and hard toil)  was at the wintering and mainland- was the place for true masculine leisure. After a wintering term, men felt strong, healthy and thirsty for the experiences of  male leisure, communication and sex.

Vlad’s Soviet true masculine career developed quite smoothly. The first break in this upward mobility was caused by his first divorce. His initial strategy was to finish wintering terms , to settle in St. Petersburg, to write dissertation and after that to go abroad as an expert on Polar stations, to work in UNESCO. However after the divorce he decided to start anew and left for a wintering again.

However in 1988 Vlad defended his candidate thesis and thus became the Head of the wintering program. The work was interesting and difficult. It was reported in the mass media, in the newspapers and on TV. Komandor himself published articles in the newspaper. He had visiting tours to Hamburg, Copenhagen, London etc. participating in the international conferences.
The last wintering on the Polar Station  took place in 1991. Economic breakdown made it impossible to organize expeditions any more as they were very expensive.
Reforms were crucial for the break of the original design of the Komandor’s prodessional career.
The beginning of 1990 became the turning point in his career. Vlad encountered several options. He could either go into business as many of his colleagues or stay in the scientific community. Vlad decided to continue his scientific work and started to write his second dissertation. As the state budget for Russian Academy is cut Vlad  gets about $115 monthly which includes his doctorate stipend and salary of the part time senior research fellow with the addition for the candidate degree. His supplementary job is that of a watchman at the parking station.

Vlad’s’ narration about his current job situation is full of bitterness and disappointment. The life without winterings and expeditions seems extremely boring and uninteresting for him. The only air-hope left is hunting...  However, Vlad believes that ‘there is no other way in the situation of reforming society’. His hope are research grants, though he does not see them as a panacea. His former life did not know wholes in budget. Now it is different. His earnings are not enough to provide the family (His wife is unemployed and he has a small daughter, born in 1996).

Political views. Vlad is quite ambiguous in his assessment  of the Russian reforms. On the one side he supports them, on the other - he is  very critical about the social situation in Russia. ‘This could happen only in our country. It just a delirium! – he says.
‘It is bad that economy broke down... Though I approve what had happened... I often quarrel with my friends about this issue. I argue that before in order to go to some Bulgaria you had to discuss something with some aunties from the party committee who do not understand anything in life...’
Freedom is the main achievement of reforms in his view. ‘Now if you want to go somewhere you can get a contract and job to work in Sweden. Where could one go at the Soviet time? ... Now life is more interesting’.

However he cannot help to miss his own past. ‘I feel pity about that time. .. Because... I often went to the expeditions... and you know there were may be 4 spies on the steamboat and you are afraid to separate from the group of three.. you are scared of everything.... If something happened KGB people would shake off everybody, searching and investigation who did what... It was extremely disgusting!’

Now the next turning point of his life is close. After he finishes his doctor thesis he will face two opportunities: first, to look for contracts in the West, if he decides to stay in scientific sphere; second , to start his own firm or go into somebody else’s business.
He has another argument which makes his story essentialistic in its major frame:
‘As I am a Lion (according to Zodiac) I have difficulties to work for someone, to be employed. I try to construct my life in such a way that I plan everything myself and I fulfill my own plans. It is not interesting to me to work on somebody else’s program...’

Private life, Leisure time and communication. Vlad was married four times.
His first marriage in 1977 was a romantic love story: ‘Eerie love!’ - as he reports.
He met a girl at the beach when he visited one of the Northern towns as a sailor and immediately she canceled her job as a guide and started tourist tour with him in the Baltics which ended with their marriage. They spent vacations in the prestigious resorts (‘in the Baltics or Yugoslavia) traveling with the  group of friends all over on canoe. They divorced in a year because of her infidelity.
 Vlad married the second time briefly in 1984 but they divorced in a year. His third marriage lasted for three years in the late 1980s. They separated, as he thinks, on her initiative as he became underpaid and she turned into a businesswoman. He married for the fourth time in 1994 to his old girl friend, a very beautiful woman, who is also married for the 4th time.

Housing problem is pivotal for the Vlad’s private life narrative. In his first marriage he earned enough to rent and later he was registered in his second wife’s apartment and when they divorced he left it. Between marriages he lived in his friends’ places. His third wife was also a Leningrader and she moved to her. After their divorce he managed to buy an apartment in St.Peterburg but lost it in financial breakdown.

Every time when he returned from the wintering as a prosperous attractive young man, with lots of money and communication hunger, he came to see friends. Coffee, Cognac and vodka were accompanying communication. They visited restaurants and artistic clubs,  performances, and theatrical feasts, etc. ‘However it was the same all the time. Each evening the same stories the same fun. If one comes there 5 years later - it will be still the same - nothing will change. The same people, the same talks, homelessness (bezbytnost) is a general feature of such communication’.
The main personal problem for him was unsettlededness… ‘When I came home I did not feel at home... This was the reason that I was drawn out to see people... Once I lived at my friend’s place. Then another friend of mine helped me to rent a room. Then I lived in the student’ s dorm, it was endless’.

We see from the Komandor’s story that housing conditions has been his crucial problem. He never had apartment of his own and always felt homeless.
His drinking habits were partly conditioned by his unsettleness as he stayed in artistic studios where there were people of artistic tusovka. Drinking in this bohemian companies became his habitual practice during holidays. He reports that he drank almost each day when he lived in the studio and felt that he was on the edge of personal breakdown

Drinking experience.
Debut. First time he tasted wine in the 10th form of a secondary school. It happened at the hunting with a friend some 300 km from the to town during the school winter vacations. They had a bottle of dry wine with them. They opened it on the Eve of the New Year.

Later hunting and drinking always went together: one liter per a person was taken for the hunting raid. ‘At night after the hunting, he says, one gets tired and you can take 50-100 grams of dissolved spirit, especially when you got wet. It is just a symbolic drinking’.

Tusovka drinking or company drinking was Vlad’s habitual experience. This is the occasion when drinking becomes excessive and heavy, coming to the practice of zapoi (drunken bout). ‘There was a moment when I was at the edge, I felt that I could fell down on the other side... But I always kept analyzing my drinking situation. How far I went in this direction? Is it still possible to withdraw, to hamper’.

Vlad is conscious of the bad consequences of drinking, he thinks that one should be careful with this habitual practice.He claims that his new family and his daughter help him to withdraw from the practices of the homeless company drinking.

Justification and motivation of drinking.
In the Komandor’s story drinking has several meanings. The crucial frame is drinking conceived as an essential part of the male culture in general - a ritual, a communication pattern and stress management instrument. ‘To my mind, only sick people do not drink now’, he says.

Vlad interprets heavy drinking as a drug for the treatment of psychological breakdowns. His psychological burnouts were caused by homelessness, infidelity of women, insufficient earnings. All these problems he conceived as crisis of the patterns of true masculinity which he wanted to follow all his life. He says: ‘My life does not work out smoothly. It would be different if I had a place to live (zhilje). Everything runs into dwelling. If I would only had a corner of mine...’
Drinking becomes excessive and self-destructive when other masculine practices - well-paid job, independent dwelling, stable family life - are broken. Status inconsistency is the general cause of heavy drinking and zapoi.

‘There were times when I had bouts of heavy drinking and poured over my grief. First time it happened  when I lost my apartment - of course, it was difficult...
The most stressful situation was when I divorced Marinka (the 3d wife) and left... At that time our home was full equipped - we had technique there, an auto, a cottage house... And I left with a suitcase... And I had to start everything from zero in the age 40. It was really hard. I drank but it was reasonable...’

Alcohol, to Komandor’s opinion has also a positive effect. It helps to relax. For example, ‘when I first time went abroad to Copenhagen ...they understood me with great difficulties... In the evening there was the opening and a banquet. And it was at this banquet after drinks that I started to talk English normally... And (since that time) when I travel abroad, I take a small bottle of vodka (Smirnovskaya) with me, and try to find a place beside some English speaking person. And I start to get into English conversation  already in the plane’.

 He explains Russian mass heavy drinking as imbedded in contemporary social changes... ‘It is so (people drink  a lot) because the time is such. ... Sometimes I just need to drink in order to remove this feeling that I have to provide my family -  and I cannot do it on the dignified level. In fact, I understand with my brains that I have a potential... and if I worked on the West and had the same status I would have had a yacht and a cottage house - I have friends in the West, I know what I am talking about. ... And why I cannot provide it here?. My friends say about me: in five minutes he will be the full doctor of sciences and he works as a watchman. Isn’t it funny?’

Resume
In Komandor’s story the crisis of masculinity is seen as a major condition of heavy drinking. If normal, occasional, communicative drinking is seen as part of the masculine practices, excessive drinking works as the instrument of stress management. Rapid social changes of Russain tranformation made Komandor to lose his opportunities to be a true man as he believes his father was. He worked as a  polar investigator, engaged in the male profession which demanded specific male character and male skills including resistance to difficulties, patience and ability to be a true friend. This was the work for which a man can respect himself. It was a basis of his high self-esteem.

Komandor’s’ excessive drinking was caused by his undrstanding that he could not follow the ideal life-course of a true man. He did not have the family he wanted to have, he felt homeless. This was the beginning of heavy drinking.
Now things get worse and better at the same time. Vlad’s status drastically changed because polar stations stopped to work. This is a typical situation of status inconsistency which causes psychological stress and emotional breakdown. However he feels personally happy with his wife and daughter.

‘In principle everything that I intended to do in my life - I managed to do... But how to remove the stress?’ - this is the unanswered question for Vlad.
 

SCRIPT 6. CAMERA-MAN. Dima

Born in 1945 in. Leningrad. Secondary education - 10 classes. Worked for 25 years as camera man at the Lenfilm Studio. Dissmissed in 1995 because of the general shortening of jobs. Since then worked as a watchman at the industrial plant until 1998); unemployed since Spring, 1998; divorced, no children.

Parental family and chidhood memories. Though in the humouristic way Dima emphasizes professionalism of his parents. He says: ‘My dad was a professional military driver, and my mum was a professional salesperson’.

The image of the father. Dima at length talks about his father and gives and ambiguous picture of him. Though Dima liked his communicative character he very often saw him drunk. Dima also mentioned that his father did not spent much time with him.
‘He was always busy with himself, so to say. He played billiards brilliantly, it took a lot of time in evenings and at nights. He was a coquette, a very good dancer, a lively guy... . He was often tipsy. He had a crazy motorcycle with a carriage... When he drove into the yard, mum and grandma knew already that he was dead drunk, because when he tugged the key out of the and threw his leg over the motorcycle he immediately fell down on the pavement... Mum and Grandma dragged him home. He enjoyed drinking...’

Our comment is that scene of male (father’s) drinking were habitual for Dima’s childhood.

Boys’ and teenager’s culture. Dima went to the kindergarten and later in the age of 7 entered a comprehensive school. They lives in the centre of the city. His friends were a company from school and neighborhood. Their communicative style was less brutal and destructive than that of  the street boys’ culture in the suburbs of the town in the 1970s or 1980s (See scripts ‘Student’ and ‘Eternal Teenager ’).
‘We played all the games we new, I swear. We did not have skates, but we played hockey without skates... We played in the streets and sometimes hurt the passers by.... This was happiness. We played and nobody got angry at us...’ Though boys were aquainted with militia station taken there for a broken window or something alike, they took it as  normal. The attitude of the town dwellers to the boys’ street culture in the 1950s was friendly. It was a typical Soviet boyish childhood with the sports, yard culture (ice-cream, bike, dacha in a company of friends).

The leisure of the youth in the end of 1950s - early 1960s included such practice as attending of city dancing halls. Dancings took place in the Houses of Culture. ‘There were learnt love’, Dima says. ‘We glued up women and they fucked us. And we did not know how to do it. I was 18 y.o. at that time’.

Drinking debut. It was habitual that before the dancing hall  youngsters drink a glass of table wine. This made them. Later the light drink was substituted by the fortified one: they cheered themselves up by the cheap portwine 33 after which the ‘ felt girls on their asses’. An inspiring drinking was considered necessary part of teaanager early sexual life.

It is structurally important that first drinking and smoking are mostly of cheap low quality products. The trademarks that Dima mentions (Port #33, cigarettes ‘Pushka’, ‘Junyi’) were known for their very low quality.

First work: When he failed to enter Theatrical college in 1962, he started to work at the industrial plant as a electric assistant.
Dima’s working class experience as in other cases (‘Eternal Teenager’, ‘Manual Worker’) was marked by heavy drinking.
As his brigadier understood that Dima had no idea of ‘how petrol goes along the wires to bulbs’, he prohibited him even to approach the cable and knife-switches. Dima’s job was different. His task was to go unnoticed from the plant are during the working hours and by the end of the day, to lay table with vodka. Workers brought snacks from home. ‘These were my duties of an electrician’, he comments.

Dima is convinced that the plant was the place where he learnt to  drink vodka. ‘They drank each day in the end of the working hours’  he tells.... ‘They were first class specialists and first class people. I am very grateful to them... The thing is that I did nothing but got my wages regularly (laughs)  and it was not that small for those days. I got about 150-160 rubles... It was enough for everything: to buy ... English jeans, good quality...’

Dima worked about a year at this plant. He remembers: ‘I just fucked all female crane-drivers and resigned’. Then he entered the college but soon was recruited to the military service.

Military conscription is still a necessary institution for male socialization in Russia. Dima’s  military service (1964-1968) was his favourite memories. He was recruited to the privileged air-raid landing forces, though he had a phobia-  he was afraid of height... He served for three years and never experienced neither violation of the rights of the junior soldiers not any kind of the out of Statute relations (dedovshchina). Dima claims that the Army of the 1960s was very different from that of the later times. During his term Dima claims, he met only first class officers, Heroes of the Soviet Union... Many officers were participants of the WWII... Dima became the head of the Komsomol organization in his detachment.

‘I loved these people and they loved me. I liked it, I am sincere. Because it was very different... Oh God, if there would be a professional army at that time, probably I would agree to be military all my life...’

Dima believes, that the reason for this friendly style in his detachment was constituency  of the military brigade to which he belonged. All of them were Leningradians. ‘I think a Leningradian will never allow himself to force another Leningradian to wash his puttees (foot bindings)’.

Another reason for his love for Army was the realization of true masculinity which, he believes, it provided.
‘There I felt myself a true man. It is because I met true friends there, whom I still see a lot - now I am 52... The Army did not separate us, it made real human beings from us’.

One more reason for this affection was the feeling of being adult .‘ I think the Army was one of the best moments in my life. In any case at that time I was first time separated from my parents’...

We focus on the Dima’s military service experince because it is instructive for his understanding of the true manhood and relebant values, attitudes and practices.
The military service also included drinking practices.‘It was not a big problem. If we wanted to drink very much we drank, if not - then we did not drink. However, in the Army  I managed to get really drunk two times’.

It is because Dima liked the atmosphere of his military detachment so much he decided to continue the military carreer in the High KGB School after demobilization. However. quite soon he felt dissapointed and dismissed, confessing to administration that he had made a mistake in the choice of profession. He got the rebuke from the Party organization and was quietly released.

Jobs, professional life. He changed several jobs that had not satisfied him on different reasons (a loader at the Lenfilm studio, a trolley-driver) and finally started to work as a camera man at the Lenfilm studio, thus his best dreams came true. Dima’s working record at the Studio is  25 years (1970-1975). His upward mobility was from the first job of a help of assistant operator to the last position of a second operator.

‘I loved to work on the studio very much, everything was different there compared with normal routine life. I got mass of new friends, acquaintances, semi-friends, quarter-friends, what’s not! I knew practically everybody who worked there and at the best times up to 3000 people worked there. I believe I knew everyone by the first name. And everybody knew me.’

The work at the Studio gave Dima a lot of joy and interest. His work attitude was conditioned by the content of work but also by prestigious communication it provided- these two factors were inseparable and extremely valuable for him. It also gave him opportunity of traveling all over Russia during shooting periods. Adventure was another characteristic which he gives to his professional life. He calls it his fate. He loved everything there.

The work at the Studio gave place for the combination of professional communication with friendships and private communication. It was habitual to have love affairs on the working place, a lot of drinking and celebrations took place there. Work was the life-world absorbing all interests of the participants. If we compare Camera-Man with Komandor we’ll see how different are their drinking patterns. In a way Dima’s life world can be likened to that of bohemia. However, his position was not marginal or anti-Soviet. He was quite well integrated in the Soviet  system. The job of a camera man was prestigious and brought him a lot of benefits.

In 1995 Dima was dismissed. This was the time when Lenfilm studio was bankrupted and stopped producing films. He did not go for retraining at any qualification courses. When he was asked why he did not try to learn some new profession, though he had been aware that jobs at the studio would be cut, he justified himself in the following way:
‘I have a trauma of hands - I cannot work even as a loader.... Somehow I did not expect such a breakdown’.

After dismissal Dima found a job of a watchman (a guard) at the industrial plant. The work was boring and low paid. Recently the plant stopped. He estimates this downward mobility as an absolute personal breakdown

The places (or topography) of drinking is of special interest in  Dima’s story. Mostly the drinking places that he mentions deliberatly are different working places at the studio and street-corner cafes.Among the working places that Dima mentions are cabins of shooting operators, film directors’ offices, cafes at the studio. Everyday drinking at the studio became habitual, it was just a tradition. He gives a vivid description of the drinking rituals at the working place:
 ‘We had this tradition to celebrate ... the hundred, two hundred, four-hundred, five-hundred film cadre... We celebrated the first shooting day and the last shooting day - it was a rite... It was the orderly thing that at the studio everybody did drink from a cleaning woman to a director’.
However habitual working place drinking was,  Dima sees its changes in the course of his working life. In the first years of his work and untill the end of 1980s the drinking atmosphere was less disruptive, ‘ nobody spied and informed about drinking of others.  Everybody lived in the friendly atmosphere’ At that time frinking did not prevent people from efficient work, as he claims: ‘films were produced, plan was implemented, everything swirled and there were enough forces for everything...’
Studiomen mostly drank after shooting... because the work was intensive and interesting. Drinking of the 1990s was more destructive. It prevented efficient work.

Sobriety stations. Quite a few times in 1970s and 1980s Dima was taken to a sobriety stations. According to the rules, sobriety station officers had to inform personell officers of the working places of the cases. This information became the issue for administrative sanctions, such as  ‘moral reprimand’ at the meeting of the working collectives, cut of benefits, revocation of the participation in prestigious expeditions, etc. This hapenned to many if not to everyone from our sample of respondents. Dima made his best to escape this procedure. With the help of female secretaries Dima and his drinking-mates managed to withdraw next in turn information letter from a sobriety station. After that they celebrated a problem solution by a bottle of wine accompanied by the processed cheese in the operator’s cabin with the girls who helped them in the operation...

Camera Man Drinking and women. Young girls admired the company of the studio operators. They considered it their special pleasure to be invited to drink in the company of the first-class camera-men and deputy film directors in the small cabins... Dima recollects, ‘In the expeditions.. the herd of local girls  simply run after the shooting group... as if ‘circus came’. There was no lack of female presence and female caress... and it was not a simple vulgar drinking but it was arranged in a special way - something fine was cooked, we tried to get out of the town (to some nature place), we had transport (to take us there), we made shashlyk, bough meat... everything should be done tasty and beautiful... this how it was arranged’.

Leisure, communication. Dima hardly separated work and leisure in his story. he descibes himself as an extremely communicative person.  Friends and good company are very valuable for him. He is an amiable guitar player and singer. He always appreciated male company of friends from neighborhood, from professional milieu, etc. These friendly gatherings were usually accompanied group excessive drinking which he practiced for many years.
 With the breakdown of the studio all his life-world collapsed (both public and private spheres). ‘Everything became much worse. First I was deprived of habitual money. Second, I was deprived of all my friends, we had to separate. We meet very seldom in the street now’, he says.
Habitual circle of contacts was broken: ‘Everybody scattered after two years of the chaos at the studio. Some people work as bricklayers, others... sweep the streets near metro stations...
Dima assessed the change in his status as unfair. All those men who became unemployed after the collapse of Lenfilm were the  high class professionals, he argues.
The collective is broken, friendship the core of male interaction is ruined. Everybody is single now, according to his opinion. Maculinity of the late Soviet time is in crisis.

‘Now everybody survives as he can... everybody is in a whirl as he can, there is no time left just to sit  to talk... only occasionally. Of course, we call each other... We congratulate each other with the  New Year...’

Drinking in the period of Russian reforms: from celebration to lament. Dima is sure that heavy drinking of his milieu is caused by the economic reforms. ‘Now, claims Camera Man,  people do not want to go home because they don’t know what to tell to their wives, when they don’t bring money to the family’.

Describing the changing meanings of contemporary drinking from celebration to lament Dima notices that now men visit drinking places not to celebrate but to come together, to talk and to complain. Each such place - shalman, drop-in-place, kapelnitsa - has it own constituency. A stranger is a rare guest there. These places became specific male clubs and if they were more comfortable, and better furnished with tables and chairs men would not get out of there. ‘They forget their homes, they talk how everything if bad with their jobs, they complain and  say how everything is breaking into pieces in their lives, how one’s career falls apart, how one’s wife left, how kids do not pay attention, how young mistress said that he should return to her only when he would earn enough...’

The condition of these men is far from being human. Dima claims that many of them are high class professional in their middle age. However under the current conditions, they are not needed, though they are high professional with some 30 years of working record.

Dima believes that his passage from the customary (normal) drinking to excessive heavy drinking is marked by the social changes in the country and at most by the collapse of his job. He argues: ‘In 25 years of work at the studio I’ve never seen people who got thin, who fell from hunger, who were digging in the garbage, though they drank and drank quite strong. And these are new traditions of democratic state: I’ve never met such a great number of beggars, invalids, homeless. However now people do not drink less. .. The difference is in the why of their drinking. In the previous times drinking  brought some pleasure, it provided some communication, drew people together.  Now they drink from grief, from hopelessness, just from grief....’

Now Dima is drinking on every occasion. He often drinks alone if he finds a bottle, or joins a group of complaining middle-aged men at a drinking place. He looks in the future with horror expecting that he will stay unemployed. He has laready encountered age discrimination at hiring: as soon as he announces his age (52), an employer says: ‘Thank you, good buy. Close the door from the other side’.
Dima justifies his dismal lament drinking in the following way: ‘Now when I drink I feel really better. I feel more quiet. Bad things do not come into my mind... When one does not drink one day... one or two weeks... there is a feeling that... you killed someone yesterday. You have some ineradicable feeling of guilt in your soul. You feel guilty for yourself, for your environment, for the fact that you failed, that you are single, that there is no family.... And after you take in you feel better... Probably drinks take the problem off, I donna know. May be it will be good to have some pills that would take off psychologically. There are such pills, but vodka is much cheaper’.

Dima also suffers from the fear of loneliness, fear of age. ‘It is sad when you are without a job, without a family. In general a person without things to do is half of a person. When a human being is alone, without work, without money, without any prospects, without future - it is just a collapse’.

Justification and motivation of drinking. Dima’s interpretations of drinking are also numerous. In his life-course they are changing ranging in the meaning from festive celebration of masculinity to lament over failed masculinity.
 Ascribing the meaning for his adolescent group drinking, Dima says: ‘We drank for bravery... There was no keif, or any special pleasure or intoxication in it.’
Drinking as constant celebration of masculinity, part of the festive life including sexual and professional achievements- is one of the important meanings ascribed to this practices by Dima. Another meaning of drinking is inspiration - it makes life bright, vivid, adventurous, not boring. Thus the life of Camera-Man at the studio was a constant feast - it was joyful, in concord and interesting.
The change of meaning coicides in his story with theloss of  the favourite job which tranfer habitual drinking into desperate heavy drinking. The excessive drinking is the consequence of the lack of work and continuity of the working schedule and relevant communication.

Resume
Camera-Man  drinking script is also built into masculinity frame. He considers drinking customary male practice, accompanying a true man in his happy and unhappy days. However throughout this script we see that professional male friendship is the major frame for group heavy drinking. Traditional masculinity presumed drinking practices but not alcoholism. One of the features of the true masculinity - is a special skill to drink much but not to get drunk; to have many sex-partners, but not many true love stories... to have opportunities to get money,  to have a job  - a male profession, to have friends. In this case drinking is a celebration of masculinity. This script is in many ways similar to the script of the Komandor. The differences is in the motivation. For Komandor his father was a model person. He describes himself as a career oriented man. For the Camera-man though his professional skillfulness is of great importance for his self-understanding, basically his type is similar to the bohemia. Attractiveness of the artistic circle, specific prestige of the cinema industry gives a special glamour to his drinking stories. His drinking is imbedded  in the drinking in the company - ‘the soul’ of the company should follow the major patterns of Russian masculinity - frienship grounded on communication in group drinking and sexual giantism. Working place drinking is another practice which he followed in 25 years of his labour record.

The breakdown of Soviet masculinity in the course of reforms transferred Dima into the close-to-bottom unemployed drunkard, who is looking for a wife who will take care of him. The end of his story is pierced by the pivotal feeling of the unrealized traditional concept of masculinity, for which Army male relationship is the ideal. Lament drinking is his only lot.

CONCLUSION

Our research shows that construction of masculinity in Russian male biographies necessarily includes drinking stories. A certain kind of modestly destructive mischief has been a key emblem of Russian maleness in broad distribution of Russian talk as other researchers believe (i.e. Ries, 1997). Heavy drinking is firmly rooted in Russian understanding of masculinity and it is well shown in the biographical narrativesof heavy drinking men.

Summarizing the results of the research we can state several conclusions.

First, we identified six scripts of heavy drinking. Each script we see as a configuration of contextually framed chains of drinking occasions. Thus a script can be described as a   specific physiognomy determined by a configuration of contexts conducive for drinking and cluster of meanings ascribed to drinking by a narrator. We differentiate between cross-cutting and specific meanings of drinking, ascribed to this practice by a narrator. The meaning is reconstructed from the dreinking stories and from justification stories of a drunkard. Cross-cutting meanings are those that we find in every script. They are, for example, celebration of masculinity, celebration of male friendship. Specific meanings are fixed to a particulr scripts. Among  them we can name, for example,  protest drinking of a bohemian, student leisure drinking.

Second, research made it possible to identify social structures (contexts) conducive for the following specific festures of Russian drinking: drunken bouts, working place drinking, large amounts of drinking per one occasion,  drinking of low quality fortified liquors.

Six scripts of heavy drinking (the list is open) are as follows: Bohemian, Eternal Teenager, Student, Manual Worker, Komandor, Camera-Man. Bohemian drankards are people only partially integrated in the Soviet social  structures. One can call them marginal. They cannot follow the approved mobility lifts of the society, constantly violating rules of the game in public. Drinking make them brave and mischieouvous. In this case heavy drinking is part of the culture of the bohemian milieu. Drinking meanings are diverse, including celebration of liberation; cultural and political protest; celebration of male solidarity and friendship. Soviet bohemian drinking is imbedded in the temporality and political context of stagnation  that provided limited opportunities for artistic self-realization. This drinking script is framed by the company of bohemians and bohemian places such as cafe Saigon. It is combined with the practices of love-making, creative work and often with lack of institutional affiliations.

Eternal Teenager script is based on strategy of escaping from responsibilities of the adult life. When the same strategy is used by men over 30 years old, it is seen as eternal teenagery. Heavy drinking here is a  part of ‘leaving strategy’, when a person wants to escape the duties inscribed by his school life, family life, job, political participation, etc. Drinking is inevitable part of an Eternal Teenager’s escapism of the  Soviet and post-Soviet society. Compared to a Bohemian, this script is not contaminated by creative aspirations. The main meanings of drinking are teenager integration,  celebrating company life and  escaping adult responsibilities. In this script it is possible to identify structural features of teenager drinking: first drinks and  smokes take place in uncomfortable conditions of consumption cheap low quality products. The accompanying practices are street hooliganism, mischief and teenager fights. Heavy drinking is seen as a practice per se, no reflexion on its destructive consequences is provided.

Student heavy drinking is imbedded in the student mileu - university schooling, creative work and male youth brotherhood. Male student brotherhood comprise drinking, drug consumption, intellectual talk, playing music, etc. Excessive drinking is seen as lack of regulation of normal drinking promoted by the social conditions which are considered ‘crazy’. Drugs and drinking are often seen as a dope for creative work giving new perspectives and new expereinces for a man. Exeseccive drinking is blamed and is seen as a barrier for self-realization of a man which is possible to get rid of.

Manual Worker script is the one of the working class milieu. In this case drinking is a  most habitual practice which industrial workers encountered and implemented everywhere - at work, at leisure time, in holidays and weekdays. Its is a cross-cut script which we find in many life-stories when our narrators had an experience of low quality industrial work. Manual workers drink for celebraton and relaxation, in grief and in happiness, alone, in the family, with friends and with strangers. They reproduce drinking together with their social position as part of their life-style. Drinking as a condition for adventure - a substitute for interesting leisure and initiative behaviour - are characteristic meanings for this script. The scripts is marked by the drinking preference found in vodka, often also mixed drinks are used (vodka with beer). Working place drinking is a typical occasion. Heavy drinking is mildly blamed but not really reflected upon. This script is not temporaly and politically bound - you can find it the low class life-style both in Soviet and post-Soviet times.

Pivotal for the Komandor drinking script is the crisis of masculinity concept, which is seen as a major condition of heavy drinking. If occasional, communicative festive drinking is seen as one in the series of true masculine practices, excessive drinking works mainly as an instrument of stress management. Komandor’s excessive drinking is framed as a expression of the failure of the true masculinity project of a breadwinner in good standing who has well-paid male job, proper family (a house-wife and children), and relevant household (his own fully equipped house or apartment ). Other cross-cut meanings of drinking are celebration of friendship, leisure practice, love-making.

Camera-Man script contains two major meanings of heavy drinking: the one based on his professional life and the one founded on the contemporary reform version of masculinity crisis. True masculinity expressed in professional male friendship is the major frame for group heavy drinking in the professional milieu of the Studio. However, true masculinity is seen as conducive for drinking (accompanied by adventures, celebrations, love-making) but not alcoholism. Execcive contemporary Russian male drinking is seen as a result of mass unemployement of the middle-aged professionals. Joblessness is seen as a major ruiner for their lives. Heavy individual and group drinking is justified by the loss of life perspectives. Places of these drinking are street corner cafes which are see as settings of male complaint.

We also identified the contexts conducive to destructive heavy drinking. They are teenager milieus; student milieus; professional milieus of the Soviet  time; working class milieu and post-Soviet masculinity crisis context. Research showed that mostly men start drinking when teenagers. In all the cases drinking occurred often in the uncomfortable conditions - at the stairs, in public toilets, in the street jards. Drinking debutes are mainly of low quality drinks. Other teenager practices accompanying these drinking are solidarity fights, celebrations of male freindships, etc.
Student male life in all the cases is also accompanied by group heavy drinking. However this drinking is mainly of light positive meanings and is seen as a temporal practice of the age.
Soviet professional drinking comprise people who could not realise themselves under the strict  barriers for up-ward social mobility -  many of them were made bohemians by the Soviet conditions -  drinking was the strategy of escapist protest to the regime. Working class gloomy drinking is the one which is depicted brightly in the classical novels of Ch. Dickens, E. Zolya, F. Dostoevski, M. Gorky and other writers. Drinking is seen in this case as part of the low working class life-style. Post-Soviet crisis of masculinity  provides a major frame for the contemporary reinforcement of drinking in those cases when men feel deprived of their previous social positions.

Our script list is not closed. However we believe that the research shows that drinking  is one of the major practices of masculinity. Both failed and sucessful masculinities provide place for drinking stories. We believe that it is failed or unhappy masculinity frame which is a  major justification for the Russian self-destructive heavy drinking and alcoholism. The changes in heavy drinking thus can be seen as the changes of drinking practices - access to better quality of liquors, better conditions of public place drinking, control at the drinking at the working places including improvement of work motivation and general economic growth providing well-paid jobs.
 

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  Interviews were carried out by E. Chikadze, A. Khanzhin, E. Zdravomyslova.
2 Glue ‘Moment’ is known to be the most popular drug used by teenagers.
 



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